Emerging Trends in The Social and Behavioral Sciences

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

Item

Title

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

Author

Titzmann, Peter F.

P. Juang, Linda

Research Area

Social Processes

Topic

Immigration

Abstract

Immigration is a critical issue for adolescent development as migration around the world continues at an increased pace. This essay provides insights into the opportunities and challenges in this area of research, but also spotlights important work that can serve as the foundation for future investigations. Our focus is on adolescent immigrants, as a substantial share of international migrants is under the age of 20. We first address specific issues across the crucial life domains of family, peers, and school, highlighting the need for developing outcome‐ and domain‐specific models in immigration research instead of focusing on “The Integration” of adolescent immigrants in general. We will then discuss more general challenges and future avenues in research with immigrant adolescents: the interplay of development and acculturation, discrimination, and the increasing heterogeneity of modern societies.

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Identifier

etrds0438

extracted text

Immigrant Adolescents:
Opportunities and Challenges
PETER F. TITZMANN and LINDA P. JUANG

Abstract
Immigration is a critical issue for adolescent development as migration around the
world continues at an increased pace. This essay provides insights into the opportunities and challenges in this area of research, but also spotlights important work
that can serve as the foundation for future investigations. Our focus is on adolescent
immigrants, as a substantial share of international migrants is under the age of 20.
We first address specific issues across the crucial life domains of family, peers, and
school, highlighting the need for developing outcome- and domain-specific models
in immigration research instead of focusing on “The Integration” of adolescent immigrants in general. We will then discuss more general challenges and future avenues
in research with immigrant adolescents: the interplay of development and acculturation, discrimination, and the increasing heterogeneity of modern societies.

INTRODUCTION
The current migration waves are unprecedented. United Nations figures
show that the number of international migrants increased substantially
from 173 million in 2000 to 222 million in 2010 to 244 million in 2015. These
migration streams are observed on all continents, although Europe, Asia,
and Northern America host the largest numbers (United Nations, 2016).
Political crises, wars, ethnic or religious hostility, and widening socioeconomic differences between regions have all fueled migration. In the future,
global climate change and the concomitant disasters will spark additional
migration waves. The sheer numbers and the associated growing cultural
diversity show both challenging and beneficial effects for receiving and
sending societies. Receiving societies are, for example, not only confronted
with economic challenges, such as the distribution of resources, but also
with a fast growing cultural diversity that can result in interethnic tensions.
Receiving societies can, however, also benefit from immigrants who fill
the gaps from shrinking workforces and contribute to the community
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences.
Robert Scott and Marlis Buchmann (General Editors) with Stephen Kosslyn (Consulting Editor).
© 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 978-1-118-90077-2.

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

economically, socially, and culturally. Sending countries often face brain
drains and a shrinking labor force, but they also experience opportunities
through remittances and long-term repatriation. Social science research has
certainly recognized the necessity to develop an understanding of migration
processes and particularly of how individuals and societies can successfully
cope with and benefit from these challenges. Hence, social science provides
solid evidence that can help policy makers and practitioners. Nevertheless,
many questions and challenges remain.
This essay provides insights into these opportunities and challenges
and spotlights important work that can serve as the foundation for future
research. Although migration occurs in nearly all age groups (United
Nations, 2016), we focus primarily on adolescence covering the ages of 10 to
18. Adolescence is chosen because about 15% of all international migrants
are under the age of 20. In this life period, immigrating individuals have
the double burden of coping with acculturation-related (language, new
school system, etc.) and normative age-related challenges (Motti-Stefanidi,
Berry, Chryssochoou, Sam, & Phinney, 2012). This essay first addresses
specific challenges and opportunities for adolescent immigrants across
crucial life domains, highlighting the need for developing outcome- and
domain-specific explanatory acculturation models instead of focusing on
“The Integration” of adolescent immigrants in general. We then describe
more general, domain-unspecific, challenges and future avenues in research
with immigrant adolescents.
ADOLESCENT IMMIGRANTS: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
ACROSS IMPORTANT DOMAINS OF LIFE
Like all adolescents, immigrant adolescents undergo a set of normative
developmental changes. Biological and hormonal changes during puberty
are observed in the development of primary and secondary sexual characteristics and sexual maturation. Neuropsychological changes are observed
in the brain: The share of gray matter (mainly consisting of cell bodies and
axons with only little myelination) decreases, whereas the share of white
matter (e.g., long myelinated axons) increases. Adolescents develop more
sophisticated cognitive abilities, better working memory, and improved
problem-solving abilities. In addition, changes in the socio-emotional system
promote increased reward-seeking, which can lead to higher risk-taking
behavior. This process is slowed down later in adolescence by changes in
the brain’s cognitive control system associated with better self-regulation
(Steinberg, 2015).
In the social realm, relationships with peers and parents change. Peer
relations become more complex and involve various layers of relationships

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

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(best friends, friendship cliques, crowds, romantic relationships) that differ
in mutuality and function. The quality of friendships changes from joint
(play) activities to mutual exchange, intimacy, and mutual support. In the
family, autonomy and attachment are renegotiated between parents and
children, leaving adolescents with more freedom, more responsibilities,
possibly more restrictions, while securing ongoing family support. These
normative developmental changes co-occur in immigrant adolescents’ lives
with acculturation-related tasks, such as the acquisition of a new language,
familiarization with new social and cultural norms of behavior, and coping
with acculturation-related stressors and issues related to their minority
status. Both developmental and acculturation-related tasks each uniquely
contribute to immigrant adolescents’ psychosocial functioning, depending
on the life domain studied.
FAMILY DOMAIN: ACCULTURATIVE GAP AND FAMILY OBLIGATIONS
Most young people immigrate together with their parents and siblings,
making the acculturation process in the new country a family affair. However, not all family members adapt at the same rate. On average, younger
immigrants adapt more easily and quickly to new conditions. This is
partly due to younger immigrants’ integration into educational institutions,
socializing them culturally and offering contacts with local peers and
teachers. This difference between parents’ and adolescents’ adaptation
is termed acculturation gap or acculturative dissonance. Acculturation gaps
can be accompanied by family conflicts or alienation between parents and
children (Juang, Syed, & Takagi, 2007; Titzmann & Sonnenberg, 2016). Such
gaps may be a basis for adolescents’ taking on more family obligations than
is the norm given their age. These obligations include tasks of language
and culture brokering, but also a higher burden of acculturation-unrelated
tasks, such as providing emotional (comforting parents, mediation in family
disputes) or instrumental (help in decisions and in everyday life) support
to their parents (Titzmann, 2012). Overall, the findings show that young
immigrants often form the bridge between the host society and their family,
consequently affecting adolescent–parent relationships. There are, however,
still many questions to be answered: Although adolescents may adjust
more quickly than their parents, this is not necessarily always the case.
Acculturation gaps can also be found in opposite direction, with parents
having a higher orientation to the majority culture than their kids. It is
not yet clear when, under what circumstances, and in which aspects of
everyday family life acculturation gaps develop, increase, decrease, or are
opposite to what one expects. More research is also needed with regard to
the interplay of acculturative gaps, acculturation-related family obligations

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

(e.g., language brokering), and acculturation-unrelated family obligations
(e.g., instrumental and emotional support).
Empirically, the consequences of acculturation gaps and associated family
obligations are also unclear. Some studies found beneficial effects of family
obligations (Juang & Cookston, 2009), whereas other studies point to elevated stress levels and, hence, see it as a risk factor (Kim, Hou, & Gonzalez,
2016). These mixed results suggest that there are underlying moderators for
the effects of family obligations on the psychosocial functioning of adolescents. Fuligni and Telzer (2013), for example, show that family obligations
are associated with less detrimental effects in adolescent immigrants if adolescents see these obligations as filial role fulfillment. Other moderators associated with more detrimental effects of family obligations were younger age
(Schulz, Titzmann, & Michel, 2013) and low levels of resilience (Kim et al.,
2016). But the search for the most decisive moderators has just begun and
will be important information for developing targeted and effective prevention and intervention efforts.
PEER DOMAIN: FRIENDSHIP HOMOPHILY
Research on peer relations of immigrant adolescents has a long tradition, and
many studies address the major question of how positive intergroup relations
can be achieved. This question is even more pressing in recent decades as
societies become increasingly multicultural. A major obstacle in this regard
is the phenomenon of homophily. Homophily “is the principle that contact
between similar people occurs at a higher rate than among dissimilar people”
(McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001, p. 416). Ethnicity is one of the major
characteristics in which friends are similar. The preference for peers with similar ethnic or religious backgrounds can already be found in preadolescence
and remains high during adolescence. About 75% of friends of Black adolescents are also black, 55% of friends of Hispanic adolescents have a Hispanic
background, and about 40% of friends of Asian heritage adolescents shared
their Asian background, but with 85%, the share of intra-ethnic friends was
highest in the White majority (Harris & Cavanagh, 2008).
Ethnic homophily is not the desired state in multicultural societies,
however. Inter-ethnic contact and cooperation results in various beneficial
effects including reduced intergroup prejudice (for a recent meta-analysis on
the effects of intergroup contact see Lemmer & Wagner, 2015). Inter-ethnic
cooperation, thus, is a promising future research avenue. Research has
already studied and replicated factors that lead to lower levels of homophily.
Among them are positive contact opportunities, positive attitudes toward
interethnic friendships, lower levels of discrimination, and the improvement
of interethnic communication—for example by immigrants’ acquiring the

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

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new language (Titzmann, 2014). Nevertheless, the unique contribution of
each of these factors, the best way for their acquisition, potential side effects,
and their interaction with one another still require more research as well as
the large-scale application of these findings in practical terms.
However, low levels of homophily should not always be the ultimate
goal of psychological research and intervention. In a negative racial or
interethnic climate, homophily can fulfill important psychological needs for
social support among ethnic minorities (van Laar, Levin, & Sidanius, 2008).
In addition, if interethnic contact takes place too early after immigration, it
can overburden adolescents’ coping abilities. In a study on ethnic German
immigrants, for example, interethnic contact was associated with more
depressive symptoms among newcomers (<1.5 years in Germany), whereas
it was associated with fewer depressive symptoms later on (Silbereisen &
Schmitt-Rodermund, 2000). Hence, future research should address beneficial effects of both interethnic and intra-ethnic contact, combine both these
research agendas, and study the effects as a function of time in the new
country.
SCHOOL DOMAIN: ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT GAPS
Doing well in school is one of the key indicators of positive sociocultural
adaptation and a path to successful integration. However, disparities in
academic outcomes between students with and without an immigrant background persist, in Germany as well as in other countries. Immigrant groups
are often less likely to complete higher education than majority adolescents,
depending on the particular group, however. The most common explanation for the academic discrepancy between those of immigrant versus
non-migrant background includes the confounding of socioeconomic status
(SES) with immigration status (Kristen & Granato, 2007). Living in lower SES
communities means that the schools are more likely to be under-resourced,
and the neighborhoods more likely to be less safe and environmentally
healthy—factors that may negatively impact adolescent health, well-being,
and, ultimately, learning. Other studies show that SES cannot explain away
all differences in academic achievement between immigrant and majority
adolescents and offer additional explanations. These explanations include
a lower language proficiency and a lower likelihood to attend preschool
among children of migrant background. Educational disparities are also due
to discrimination and stereotyping in school. Stereotype threat can lead to
lower well-being and biological stress responses, including changes in stress
hormones and sleep patterns, which, in turn, impede cognitive functioning
and academic performance (Levy, Heissel, Richeson, & Adam, 2016). To put
it simply: Students who do not feel well, tend not to do well.

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

It is a major research agenda to level out such educational discrepancies.
Studies regarding generational status may be one starting point for such
endeavors. Evidence on the “immigrant paradox” reveals that immigration
is not always a disadvantage for schooling. First-generation (immigrant)
adolescents in the United States compared to their second- and later generation age-mates often do better in terms of school grades and report
higher school motivation (Marks, Ejesi, & García Coll, 2014). The mechanisms behind the immigrant paradox may help in improving the school
performance of immigrants, and hence should be studied in greater detail.
A second starting point is the recognition and realization of immigrant
youth’s potential. Young immigrants have strengths and resources (e.g.,
group-specific history, another language) that need to be recognized in
culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2010). This recognition is necessary
to ensure that immigrant adolescents have sufficient chances to do well in
school, setting the stage for positive development as adults. School-based
relationships, such as having a supportive relationship with a teacher or
other caring adult, predict greater academic engagement and achievement
(Suárez-Orozco, Pimentel, & Martin, 2009). These are all research avenues
that, if followed continually, will help in overcoming educational disparities.
INTERPLAY OF FAMILY, PEERS, AND SCHOOL DOMAINS
The three domains highlight how immigrant adolescents cope with particular challenges in each of these domains. What is still lacking is more research
on the interplay of these domains. This neglect poses a specific challenge in
drawing conclusions from research that considers domains in isolation. For
the majority adolescents, behavioral norms and values as well as reinforcements and sanctions are often in alignment across contexts, because teachers,
parents, and often also peers share similar cultural values. For immigrant
adolescents, this is not necessarily the case, because parents and teachers may
have a different understanding of culturally appropriate behavior or parental
involvement in school matters (Crosnoe & Ansari, 2015).
Potential consequences are manifold, reaching from communication problems between families and school to contrary expectations adolescents face
across domains. For example, in the United States, Asian-heritage adolescents’ academic achievements (beneficial in the school domain) may result
in higher levels of bullying by peers (detrimental in the peer domain) if their
peers perceive that teachers favor Asian-heritage students at the expense of
other groups (Qin, Way, & Mukherjee, 2008). The example shows that intersections of life domains have to be studied more thoroughly and that research
should consider side effects (both positive and negative) of adaptation in one
life domain for another. Such findings are highly relevant for intervention

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

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studies. In addition, research should investigate in greater detail how adolescents successfully bridge life domains that are not in alignment with one
another. The development of a bicultural identity and situation-based cultural code-switching are promising first steps in this direction.
FUTURE CHALLENGES IN IMMIGRATION RESEARCH
This third section deals with general challenges of current immigration
research that are related to the interplay of development and acculturation,
the different forms of discrimination, and the growing diversity in modern
Western societies. These challenges are not specific for a particular life
domain or developmental context, but they can—if ignored—be a threat to
social and societal cohesion in receiving societies.
DEVELOPMENT AND ACCULTURATION
One of the growing tasks in research on immigrant adolescents is the differentiation between developmental and acculturative processes (Motti-Stefanidi
et al., 2012), and certainly more knowledge about the interplay of these
processes is necessary. Past research has often ignored this differentiation
and either used a developmental or an acculturation perspective to study
immigrants’ outcomes. However, studying immigrant adolescents from
solely one of these perspectives can carry a substantial risk for misinterpretation. An overemphasis on general acculturation-unrelated developmental
models ignores the immigrant-specific needs and situations, whereas an
overemphasis on acculturation-specific aspects can add to the perception of
a large cultural distance between ethnic groups in multicultural societies,
although these groups may, in fact, be more similar than different.
Only recently have studies combined developmental and acculturation
theories, but these efforts have to be intensified. It is important to learn
whether adolescent immigrants are first and foremost adolescents with the
same mechanisms explaining their psychosocial functioning as those found
for native adolescents (Jugert & Titzmann, 2017). This would allow the
application of established universal prevention or intervention programs
to diverse populations. If, however, ethnicity-specific models are found to
better explain the functioning of immigrants, the application of universal
interventions may produce less optimal results in those groups and may
increase ethnic gaps in adaptation. Under these circumstances, new prevention and intervention measures become necessary to address group-specific
needs and mechanisms. Furthermore, the interplay of both processes has
to be investigated. Acculturative and developmental processes may be
cumulative, for example, when acculturative and developmental stressors

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

accumulate and impede adolescents’ coping processes. But both processes
may also be compensatory, for example, when language brokering leads
to adolescents’ increased autonomy from parents, which is normatively
achieved much later and through other means in the majority population.
In addition, future research may also concentrate more on the opportunities
of normative biographical transitions in the life of adolescent immigrants,
such as attending new educational institutions or graduation. Biographical
transitions provide new social roles and expose individuals to new ecological settings. Transitions, hence, are opportunities for implementing societal
guidance and interventions for helping to change individuals’ established
behavioral patterns and to channel them into long-term positive adaptation.
The transition into a new country or the biographical transition within
countries may also be accompanied by desistance from problematic deviant
behaviors and offer corrections for undesirable developmental trajectories.
THE DIFFERENT FACES OF DISCRIMINATION AND PREJUDICE
Although the negative effects of discrimination are well documented with
cross-sectional, experimental, and longitudinal studies (Umaña-Taylor,
2016), further research is needed. One line in this direction should investigate protective factors against the negative effects of discrimination. So far,
research using the risk and resilience perspective has identified some protective factors, such as a positive and well-developed ethnic identity, positive
relationships with parents, peers, and teachers, as well as a positive school
climate. The research in this area is, however, rather scattered. Some factors
are protective in one study with a particular minority groups, but it does
not have the same protective effect in another study with another group.
Hence, the buffering of protective factors seems to depend on circumstances
or other moderators that have to be identified in the future research.
In addition, studies need to address how the level of discrimination in the
majority population can be reduced in the first place. In this regard, it seems
promising to learn more about different discriminating acts. In general, discrimination is being treated differently and negatively on the basis of the
ethnic, cultural, or religious background. In most cases, people think of discrimination as a blatant derogative form of aggression, such as the message
“Go back to your own country!” directed towards an immigrant. However,
discrimination can also be rather subtle through micro-aggressions (Sue et al.,
2007). The seemingly harmless question “Where do you come from?”, repeatedly directed toward a second-generation immigrant, conveys, for example,
that this person is not really part of the majority population. Such a question,
unlike a blatant devaluation, may not be meant to be offensive, but may have
similar negative consequences. Challenges with this type of discrimination

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

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are that they may be unintentional so that perpetrators have no notion of
doing wrong and may even perceive the victim as oversensitive when they
are confronted with their own behavior. In turn, this puts a challenge for
victims’ reactions to those incidents, which may hinder the successful societal abolishment of such behaviors. Hence, the study of micro-aggressions
deserves more attention in the future. Such research may investigate how
parents and teachers can socialize children to be attentive to verbal and nonverbal nuances in communication, and may identify effective protective factors among immigrants.
GROWING DIVERSITY AND CHALLENGES FOR ACCULTURATION MODELS
Another area for future research is the growing diversity in many Western
societies with hosting culturally and historically diverse ethnic groups in
one place. Acculturation research that only focuses on two groups, the
immigrant groups and the—assumed—culturally homogeneous majority,
may reach its limits in such super-diverse contexts. It can be assumed that
two groups in contact differ in their interactions as compared to ten or more
groups with potential alliances and complex social hierarchies, which is the
reality on many Western schoolyards nowadays. For the study of immigrant
groups, the growing diversity has various consequences. First of all, more
comparative research is needed to identify similarities and dissimilarities
between ethnic groups. Such comparisons may not necessarily define groups
based on nationalities, because it is impossible to study each phenomenon
in every single group across different receiving countries. Instead, different
types of immigrants may be the focus of research. Such a differentiation
could focus on refugees, ethnic minority groups, and sojourners, the “classic” groups in the study of immigration, but may also include other types
of immigrants. More recently, for example, ethnic diaspora immigrants and
repatriates have increased in numbers. Diaspora migrants return to their
country of origin after living in a diaspora for longer periods—sometimes
even generations. Furthermore, changes in transportation and telecommunication developments lead to a new class of immigrants who remain in
close connection with the homeland while successfully adjusting in the host
nation—so-called transnational groups. Transnational groups continuously
move back and forth between countries creating a strong cultural and
economic exchange. Inclusion of these groups in comparative studies can
broaden our understanding of immigration processes, and are a step toward
moving away from the overly simplistic notion that migration happens only
one way and to only one destination.
In addition to differentiating types of immigrants, the identification of
higher order dimensions on which host societies and acculturating groups

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

differ seems a way forward to understand the complexity of acculturation
processes. These dimensions could be derived from cultural (e.g., collectivism vs individualism, level of familism), economic (e.g., gross domestic
product), or political differences (e.g., differences in immigration policies)
between sending and/or receiving countries. Large-scale comparative
studies would be required in the first place to reliably identify such underlying macro-level dimensions, but in the long run they would help making
predictions about groups and contexts that are not yet studied.
The growing diversity will also have consequences for theoretical acculturation models and intervention research. One of the most influential
theoretical models, by Berry (Berry, Phinney, Sam, & Vedder, 2006), for
example, may be challenged by increasingly heterogeneous societies. Future
models may, hence, emphasize situational aspects of acculturation more
(Noels & Clément, 2015) and may acknowledge the fact that globalization,
mass communication, and international exchange may instigate new acculturation processes—without any direct contact between cultural or ethnic
groups (Ferguson & Bornstein, 2012). The idea of stable fundamental cultural
values may be questioned. Instead, individuals in multicultural societies
may combine elements of different cultures more flexibly—depending
on their peers, the particular situation, or personal feelings. Such polycultural individuals may activate and use different cultural responses and
scripts—just like using the best fitting phone app (Morris, Chiu, & Liu, 2015).
In intervention research, the societal heterogeneity may also have an impact
on the strategies for improving intergroup relations. Future approaches
may be less based on mutual cultural and historical knowledge about
other cultures, because educational systems may not be able to convey all
cultures and histories in sufficient detail. Instead, more general approaches
on valuing diversity and cultural heterogeneity may move into the focus of
attention in such programs.
CONCLUSION
Immigration continues to be a critical issue for adolescent development
as migration around the world continues at an increased pace. Research
needs to continuously address the challenges and opportunities related
to these migration streams because of the growing numbers of affected
individuals and the societal needs to successfully integrate these immigrants. This essay showed the need to deepen our knowledge in this
area, because adaptation processes are not yet well understood in its full
complexity. Particularly needed is the consideration of immigrant adolescents’ adaptation across various life domains (e.g., family, peer, and
school domains) rather than the isolated study of single domains. Starting

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

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points are the disentangling of acculturation and development, research
on risk and resilience factors—particularly in dealing with different forms
of discrimination—and studying the effects of growing diversity. In addition, new forms of adaptation have to be considered to better understand
immigration as dynamic (as illustrated by transnational immigrants) and
within the context of new technologies, forms of mass communication, and
mobility opportunities. These new developments are best studied if research
moves beyond a deficit-oriented approach to one that sees immigrant
adolescents as potentially healthy, competent, and flourishing. In the current
global climate, immigration, diversity, intergroup contact, and intergroup
relationships are ever more pressing issues to understand and address.
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of Psychology, 66, 631–659. doi:10.1146/annurev-psych-010814-015001
Motti-Stefanidi, F., Berry, J., Chryssochoou, X., Sam, D. L., & Phinney, J. (2012). Positive immigrant youth adaptation in context: Developmental, acculturation, and
social-psychological perspectives. In A. S. Masten, K. Liebkind, D. J. Hernandez,
A. S. Masten, K. Liebkind & D. J. Hernandez (Eds.), Realizing the potential of immigrant youth (pp. 117–158). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Noels, K. A., & Clément, R. (2015). Situational variations in ethnic identity
across immigration generations: Implications for acculturative change and
cross-cultural adaptation. International Journal of Psychology, 50(6), 451–462.
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Qin, D. B., Way, N., & Mukherjee, P. (2008). The other side of the model minority
story. Youth & Society, 39(4), 480–506. doi:10.1177/0044118X08314233
Schulz, S., Titzmann, P. F., & Michel, A. (2013). Jugendliche Übersetzer. Language Brokering in russischen Migrantenfamilien in Deutschland [Adolescent
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doi:10.1026/0049-8637/a000087
Silbereisen, R. K., & Schmitt-Rodermund, E. (2000). Adolescent immigrants’
well-being: The case of ethnic German immigrants in Germany. International Journal of Group Tensions, 29(1/2), 79–100.
Steinberg, L. (2015). The neural underpinnings of adolescent risk-taking: The roles
of reward-seeking, impulse control, and peers self-regulation in adolescence. In
G. Oettingen & P. M. Gollwitzer (Eds.), Self-regulation in adolescence (pp. 173–192).
Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
Suárez-Orozco, C., Pimentel, A., & Martin, M. (2009). The significance of relationships: Academic engagement and achievement among newcomer immigrant
youth. Teachers College Record, 111(3), 712–749.
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life: Implications for clinical practice. American Psychologist, 62(4), 271–286.
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Titzmann, P. F. (2014). Immigrant adolescents’ adaptation to a new context: Ethnic friendship homophily and its predictors. Child Development Perspectives, 8(2),
107–112. doi:10.1111/cdep.12072
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attitudes of immigrant mothers and adolescents as predictors of family conflicts.
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Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division.
van Laar, C., Levin, S., & Sidanius, J. (2008). Ingroup and outgroup contact: A longitudinal study of the effects of cross-ethnic friendships, dates, roommate relationships and participation in segregated organizations. In U. Wagner, L. R. Tropp,
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(pp. 127–142). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.

PETER TITZMANN SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Peter F. Titzmann, PhD, is a Professor of Developmental Psychology at
the Leibniz Universität Hannover, Germany. During his academic caree,r
he worked at the University of York, UK, the Friedrich-Schiller University
Jena, Germany, the University of Zurich, Switzerland, and the University of
Education Weingarten, Germany. His general research interests relate to the
interplay between normative development and migration-related adaptation
among adolescents with immigrant backgrounds. He has investigated this
interplay in various developmental outcomes, such as experiences of stress,
delinquent behavior, friendships, autonomy development, self-efficacy,
and changes in family hierarchy and family interaction. His work has been
published in numerous book sections and journal articles, for example, in
Child Development, Developmental Psychology, the Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology, and the Journal of Youth and Adolescence.
LINDA JUANG SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Linda P. Juang, PhD, is a Professor of Inclusive Education at the University
of Potsdam, Germany. Before moving to Germany, she taught at San Francisco State University and the University of California in Santa Barbara. Her

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

research focuses on immigration-related issues such as acculturation, family relations, racial/ethnic discrimination, and parental racial socialization
among ethnic minority adolescents and emerging adults. She is currently an
Assistant Editor for the Journal of Adolescence and Associate Editor for Cultural
Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology.
RELATED ESSAYS
Political Conflict and Youth: A Long-Term View (Psychology), Brian K. Barber
The Impact of Bilingualism on Cognition (Psychology), Ellen Bialystok
Peers and Adolescent Risk Taking (Psychology), Jason Chein
Youth Entrepreneurship (Psychology), William Damon et al.
Migrant Networks (Sociology), Filiz Garip and Asad L. Asad
Changing Family Patterns (Sociology), Kathleen Gerson and Stacy Torres
Immigrant Children and the Transition to Adulthood (Sociology), Roberto G.
Gonzales and Benjamin J. Roth
The Reorganization of Work (Sociology), Charles Heckscher
Immigration and the Changing Status of Asian Americans (Sociology),
Jennifer Lee
Immigrant Sociocultural Adaptation, Identification, and Belonging
(Sociology), Sarah J. Mahler
Social, Psychological, and Physiological Reactions to Stress (Psychology),
Bruce S. McEwen and Craig A. McEwen
Social Change and Entry to Adulthood (Sociology), Jeylan T. Mortimer
Cultural Conflict (Sociology), Ian Mullins
Positive Developments During the Transition to Adulthood (Psychology), Gil
G. Noam and Bailey Triggs
Identity-Based Motivation (Psychology), Daphna Oyserman
Schooling, Learning, and the Life Course (Education), Aaron M. Pallas
Health and Social Inequality (Sociology), Bernice A. Pescosolido
Latinos and the Color Line (Sociology), Clara E. Rodríguez et al.
Stereotype Threat (Psychology), Toni Schmader and William M. Hall
Gender and the Transition to Adulthood: A Diverse Pathways View
(Sociology), Ingrid Schoon
Impact of Limited Education on Employment Prospects in Advanced
Economies (Sociology), Heike Solga
Language Proficiency and the Integration of Immigrant Students in the
Education System (Education), Petra Stanat and Aileen Edele
Assimilation and Its Discontents (Sociology), Min Zhou



Immigrant Adolescents:
Opportunities and Challenges
PETER F. TITZMANN and LINDA P. JUANG

Abstract
Immigration is a critical issue for adolescent development as migration around the
world continues at an increased pace. This essay provides insights into the opportunities and challenges in this area of research, but also spotlights important work
that can serve as the foundation for future investigations. Our focus is on adolescent
immigrants, as a substantial share of international migrants is under the age of 20.
We first address specific issues across the crucial life domains of family, peers, and
school, highlighting the need for developing outcome- and domain-specific models
in immigration research instead of focusing on “The Integration” of adolescent immigrants in general. We will then discuss more general challenges and future avenues
in research with immigrant adolescents: the interplay of development and acculturation, discrimination, and the increasing heterogeneity of modern societies.

INTRODUCTION
The current migration waves are unprecedented. United Nations figures
show that the number of international migrants increased substantially
from 173 million in 2000 to 222 million in 2010 to 244 million in 2015. These
migration streams are observed on all continents, although Europe, Asia,
and Northern America host the largest numbers (United Nations, 2016).
Political crises, wars, ethnic or religious hostility, and widening socioeconomic differences between regions have all fueled migration. In the future,
global climate change and the concomitant disasters will spark additional
migration waves. The sheer numbers and the associated growing cultural
diversity show both challenging and beneficial effects for receiving and
sending societies. Receiving societies are, for example, not only confronted
with economic challenges, such as the distribution of resources, but also
with a fast growing cultural diversity that can result in interethnic tensions.
Receiving societies can, however, also benefit from immigrants who fill
the gaps from shrinking workforces and contribute to the community
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences.
Robert Scott and Marlis Buchmann (General Editors) with Stephen Kosslyn (Consulting Editor).
© 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 978-1-118-90077-2.

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

economically, socially, and culturally. Sending countries often face brain
drains and a shrinking labor force, but they also experience opportunities
through remittances and long-term repatriation. Social science research has
certainly recognized the necessity to develop an understanding of migration
processes and particularly of how individuals and societies can successfully
cope with and benefit from these challenges. Hence, social science provides
solid evidence that can help policy makers and practitioners. Nevertheless,
many questions and challenges remain.
This essay provides insights into these opportunities and challenges
and spotlights important work that can serve as the foundation for future
research. Although migration occurs in nearly all age groups (United
Nations, 2016), we focus primarily on adolescence covering the ages of 10 to
18. Adolescence is chosen because about 15% of all international migrants
are under the age of 20. In this life period, immigrating individuals have
the double burden of coping with acculturation-related (language, new
school system, etc.) and normative age-related challenges (Motti-Stefanidi,
Berry, Chryssochoou, Sam, & Phinney, 2012). This essay first addresses
specific challenges and opportunities for adolescent immigrants across
crucial life domains, highlighting the need for developing outcome- and
domain-specific explanatory acculturation models instead of focusing on
“The Integration” of adolescent immigrants in general. We then describe
more general, domain-unspecific, challenges and future avenues in research
with immigrant adolescents.
ADOLESCENT IMMIGRANTS: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
ACROSS IMPORTANT DOMAINS OF LIFE
Like all adolescents, immigrant adolescents undergo a set of normative
developmental changes. Biological and hormonal changes during puberty
are observed in the development of primary and secondary sexual characteristics and sexual maturation. Neuropsychological changes are observed
in the brain: The share of gray matter (mainly consisting of cell bodies and
axons with only little myelination) decreases, whereas the share of white
matter (e.g., long myelinated axons) increases. Adolescents develop more
sophisticated cognitive abilities, better working memory, and improved
problem-solving abilities. In addition, changes in the socio-emotional system
promote increased reward-seeking, which can lead to higher risk-taking
behavior. This process is slowed down later in adolescence by changes in
the brain’s cognitive control system associated with better self-regulation
(Steinberg, 2015).
In the social realm, relationships with peers and parents change. Peer
relations become more complex and involve various layers of relationships

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

3

(best friends, friendship cliques, crowds, romantic relationships) that differ
in mutuality and function. The quality of friendships changes from joint
(play) activities to mutual exchange, intimacy, and mutual support. In the
family, autonomy and attachment are renegotiated between parents and
children, leaving adolescents with more freedom, more responsibilities,
possibly more restrictions, while securing ongoing family support. These
normative developmental changes co-occur in immigrant adolescents’ lives
with acculturation-related tasks, such as the acquisition of a new language,
familiarization with new social and cultural norms of behavior, and coping
with acculturation-related stressors and issues related to their minority
status. Both developmental and acculturation-related tasks each uniquely
contribute to immigrant adolescents’ psychosocial functioning, depending
on the life domain studied.
FAMILY DOMAIN: ACCULTURATIVE GAP AND FAMILY OBLIGATIONS
Most young people immigrate together with their parents and siblings,
making the acculturation process in the new country a family affair. However, not all family members adapt at the same rate. On average, younger
immigrants adapt more easily and quickly to new conditions. This is
partly due to younger immigrants’ integration into educational institutions,
socializing them culturally and offering contacts with local peers and
teachers. This difference between parents’ and adolescents’ adaptation
is termed acculturation gap or acculturative dissonance. Acculturation gaps
can be accompanied by family conflicts or alienation between parents and
children (Juang, Syed, & Takagi, 2007; Titzmann & Sonnenberg, 2016). Such
gaps may be a basis for adolescents’ taking on more family obligations than
is the norm given their age. These obligations include tasks of language
and culture brokering, but also a higher burden of acculturation-unrelated
tasks, such as providing emotional (comforting parents, mediation in family
disputes) or instrumental (help in decisions and in everyday life) support
to their parents (Titzmann, 2012). Overall, the findings show that young
immigrants often form the bridge between the host society and their family,
consequently affecting adolescent–parent relationships. There are, however,
still many questions to be answered: Although adolescents may adjust
more quickly than their parents, this is not necessarily always the case.
Acculturation gaps can also be found in opposite direction, with parents
having a higher orientation to the majority culture than their kids. It is
not yet clear when, under what circumstances, and in which aspects of
everyday family life acculturation gaps develop, increase, decrease, or are
opposite to what one expects. More research is also needed with regard to
the interplay of acculturative gaps, acculturation-related family obligations

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

(e.g., language brokering), and acculturation-unrelated family obligations
(e.g., instrumental and emotional support).
Empirically, the consequences of acculturation gaps and associated family
obligations are also unclear. Some studies found beneficial effects of family
obligations (Juang & Cookston, 2009), whereas other studies point to elevated stress levels and, hence, see it as a risk factor (Kim, Hou, & Gonzalez,
2016). These mixed results suggest that there are underlying moderators for
the effects of family obligations on the psychosocial functioning of adolescents. Fuligni and Telzer (2013), for example, show that family obligations
are associated with less detrimental effects in adolescent immigrants if adolescents see these obligations as filial role fulfillment. Other moderators associated with more detrimental effects of family obligations were younger age
(Schulz, Titzmann, & Michel, 2013) and low levels of resilience (Kim et al.,
2016). But the search for the most decisive moderators has just begun and
will be important information for developing targeted and effective prevention and intervention efforts.
PEER DOMAIN: FRIENDSHIP HOMOPHILY
Research on peer relations of immigrant adolescents has a long tradition, and
many studies address the major question of how positive intergroup relations
can be achieved. This question is even more pressing in recent decades as
societies become increasingly multicultural. A major obstacle in this regard
is the phenomenon of homophily. Homophily “is the principle that contact
between similar people occurs at a higher rate than among dissimilar people”
(McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001, p. 416). Ethnicity is one of the major
characteristics in which friends are similar. The preference for peers with similar ethnic or religious backgrounds can already be found in preadolescence
and remains high during adolescence. About 75% of friends of Black adolescents are also black, 55% of friends of Hispanic adolescents have a Hispanic
background, and about 40% of friends of Asian heritage adolescents shared
their Asian background, but with 85%, the share of intra-ethnic friends was
highest in the White majority (Harris & Cavanagh, 2008).
Ethnic homophily is not the desired state in multicultural societies,
however. Inter-ethnic contact and cooperation results in various beneficial
effects including reduced intergroup prejudice (for a recent meta-analysis on
the effects of intergroup contact see Lemmer & Wagner, 2015). Inter-ethnic
cooperation, thus, is a promising future research avenue. Research has
already studied and replicated factors that lead to lower levels of homophily.
Among them are positive contact opportunities, positive attitudes toward
interethnic friendships, lower levels of discrimination, and the improvement
of interethnic communication—for example by immigrants’ acquiring the

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

5

new language (Titzmann, 2014). Nevertheless, the unique contribution of
each of these factors, the best way for their acquisition, potential side effects,
and their interaction with one another still require more research as well as
the large-scale application of these findings in practical terms.
However, low levels of homophily should not always be the ultimate
goal of psychological research and intervention. In a negative racial or
interethnic climate, homophily can fulfill important psychological needs for
social support among ethnic minorities (van Laar, Levin, & Sidanius, 2008).
In addition, if interethnic contact takes place too early after immigration, it
can overburden adolescents’ coping abilities. In a study on ethnic German
immigrants, for example, interethnic contact was associated with more
depressive symptoms among newcomers (<1.5 years in Germany), whereas
it was associated with fewer depressive symptoms later on (Silbereisen &
Schmitt-Rodermund, 2000). Hence, future research should address beneficial effects of both interethnic and intra-ethnic contact, combine both these
research agendas, and study the effects as a function of time in the new
country.
SCHOOL DOMAIN: ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT GAPS
Doing well in school is one of the key indicators of positive sociocultural
adaptation and a path to successful integration. However, disparities in
academic outcomes between students with and without an immigrant background persist, in Germany as well as in other countries. Immigrant groups
are often less likely to complete higher education than majority adolescents,
depending on the particular group, however. The most common explanation for the academic discrepancy between those of immigrant versus
non-migrant background includes the confounding of socioeconomic status
(SES) with immigration status (Kristen & Granato, 2007). Living in lower SES
communities means that the schools are more likely to be under-resourced,
and the neighborhoods more likely to be less safe and environmentally
healthy—factors that may negatively impact adolescent health, well-being,
and, ultimately, learning. Other studies show that SES cannot explain away
all differences in academic achievement between immigrant and majority
adolescents and offer additional explanations. These explanations include
a lower language proficiency and a lower likelihood to attend preschool
among children of migrant background. Educational disparities are also due
to discrimination and stereotyping in school. Stereotype threat can lead to
lower well-being and biological stress responses, including changes in stress
hormones and sleep patterns, which, in turn, impede cognitive functioning
and academic performance (Levy, Heissel, Richeson, & Adam, 2016). To put
it simply: Students who do not feel well, tend not to do well.

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

It is a major research agenda to level out such educational discrepancies.
Studies regarding generational status may be one starting point for such
endeavors. Evidence on the “immigrant paradox” reveals that immigration
is not always a disadvantage for schooling. First-generation (immigrant)
adolescents in the United States compared to their second- and later generation age-mates often do better in terms of school grades and report
higher school motivation (Marks, Ejesi, & García Coll, 2014). The mechanisms behind the immigrant paradox may help in improving the school
performance of immigrants, and hence should be studied in greater detail.
A second starting point is the recognition and realization of immigrant
youth’s potential. Young immigrants have strengths and resources (e.g.,
group-specific history, another language) that need to be recognized in
culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2010). This recognition is necessary
to ensure that immigrant adolescents have sufficient chances to do well in
school, setting the stage for positive development as adults. School-based
relationships, such as having a supportive relationship with a teacher or
other caring adult, predict greater academic engagement and achievement
(Suárez-Orozco, Pimentel, & Martin, 2009). These are all research avenues
that, if followed continually, will help in overcoming educational disparities.
INTERPLAY OF FAMILY, PEERS, AND SCHOOL DOMAINS
The three domains highlight how immigrant adolescents cope with particular challenges in each of these domains. What is still lacking is more research
on the interplay of these domains. This neglect poses a specific challenge in
drawing conclusions from research that considers domains in isolation. For
the majority adolescents, behavioral norms and values as well as reinforcements and sanctions are often in alignment across contexts, because teachers,
parents, and often also peers share similar cultural values. For immigrant
adolescents, this is not necessarily the case, because parents and teachers may
have a different understanding of culturally appropriate behavior or parental
involvement in school matters (Crosnoe & Ansari, 2015).
Potential consequences are manifold, reaching from communication problems between families and school to contrary expectations adolescents face
across domains. For example, in the United States, Asian-heritage adolescents’ academic achievements (beneficial in the school domain) may result
in higher levels of bullying by peers (detrimental in the peer domain) if their
peers perceive that teachers favor Asian-heritage students at the expense of
other groups (Qin, Way, & Mukherjee, 2008). The example shows that intersections of life domains have to be studied more thoroughly and that research
should consider side effects (both positive and negative) of adaptation in one
life domain for another. Such findings are highly relevant for intervention

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

7

studies. In addition, research should investigate in greater detail how adolescents successfully bridge life domains that are not in alignment with one
another. The development of a bicultural identity and situation-based cultural code-switching are promising first steps in this direction.
FUTURE CHALLENGES IN IMMIGRATION RESEARCH
This third section deals with general challenges of current immigration
research that are related to the interplay of development and acculturation,
the different forms of discrimination, and the growing diversity in modern
Western societies. These challenges are not specific for a particular life
domain or developmental context, but they can—if ignored—be a threat to
social and societal cohesion in receiving societies.
DEVELOPMENT AND ACCULTURATION
One of the growing tasks in research on immigrant adolescents is the differentiation between developmental and acculturative processes (Motti-Stefanidi
et al., 2012), and certainly more knowledge about the interplay of these
processes is necessary. Past research has often ignored this differentiation
and either used a developmental or an acculturation perspective to study
immigrants’ outcomes. However, studying immigrant adolescents from
solely one of these perspectives can carry a substantial risk for misinterpretation. An overemphasis on general acculturation-unrelated developmental
models ignores the immigrant-specific needs and situations, whereas an
overemphasis on acculturation-specific aspects can add to the perception of
a large cultural distance between ethnic groups in multicultural societies,
although these groups may, in fact, be more similar than different.
Only recently have studies combined developmental and acculturation
theories, but these efforts have to be intensified. It is important to learn
whether adolescent immigrants are first and foremost adolescents with the
same mechanisms explaining their psychosocial functioning as those found
for native adolescents (Jugert & Titzmann, 2017). This would allow the
application of established universal prevention or intervention programs
to diverse populations. If, however, ethnicity-specific models are found to
better explain the functioning of immigrants, the application of universal
interventions may produce less optimal results in those groups and may
increase ethnic gaps in adaptation. Under these circumstances, new prevention and intervention measures become necessary to address group-specific
needs and mechanisms. Furthermore, the interplay of both processes has
to be investigated. Acculturative and developmental processes may be
cumulative, for example, when acculturative and developmental stressors

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

accumulate and impede adolescents’ coping processes. But both processes
may also be compensatory, for example, when language brokering leads
to adolescents’ increased autonomy from parents, which is normatively
achieved much later and through other means in the majority population.
In addition, future research may also concentrate more on the opportunities
of normative biographical transitions in the life of adolescent immigrants,
such as attending new educational institutions or graduation. Biographical
transitions provide new social roles and expose individuals to new ecological settings. Transitions, hence, are opportunities for implementing societal
guidance and interventions for helping to change individuals’ established
behavioral patterns and to channel them into long-term positive adaptation.
The transition into a new country or the biographical transition within
countries may also be accompanied by desistance from problematic deviant
behaviors and offer corrections for undesirable developmental trajectories.
THE DIFFERENT FACES OF DISCRIMINATION AND PREJUDICE
Although the negative effects of discrimination are well documented with
cross-sectional, experimental, and longitudinal studies (Umaña-Taylor,
2016), further research is needed. One line in this direction should investigate protective factors against the negative effects of discrimination. So far,
research using the risk and resilience perspective has identified some protective factors, such as a positive and well-developed ethnic identity, positive
relationships with parents, peers, and teachers, as well as a positive school
climate. The research in this area is, however, rather scattered. Some factors
are protective in one study with a particular minority groups, but it does
not have the same protective effect in another study with another group.
Hence, the buffering of protective factors seems to depend on circumstances
or other moderators that have to be identified in the future research.
In addition, studies need to address how the level of discrimination in the
majority population can be reduced in the first place. In this regard, it seems
promising to learn more about different discriminating acts. In general, discrimination is being treated differently and negatively on the basis of the
ethnic, cultural, or religious background. In most cases, people think of discrimination as a blatant derogative form of aggression, such as the message
“Go back to your own country!” directed towards an immigrant. However,
discrimination can also be rather subtle through micro-aggressions (Sue et al.,
2007). The seemingly harmless question “Where do you come from?”, repeatedly directed toward a second-generation immigrant, conveys, for example,
that this person is not really part of the majority population. Such a question,
unlike a blatant devaluation, may not be meant to be offensive, but may have
similar negative consequences. Challenges with this type of discrimination

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

9

are that they may be unintentional so that perpetrators have no notion of
doing wrong and may even perceive the victim as oversensitive when they
are confronted with their own behavior. In turn, this puts a challenge for
victims’ reactions to those incidents, which may hinder the successful societal abolishment of such behaviors. Hence, the study of micro-aggressions
deserves more attention in the future. Such research may investigate how
parents and teachers can socialize children to be attentive to verbal and nonverbal nuances in communication, and may identify effective protective factors among immigrants.
GROWING DIVERSITY AND CHALLENGES FOR ACCULTURATION MODELS
Another area for future research is the growing diversity in many Western
societies with hosting culturally and historically diverse ethnic groups in
one place. Acculturation research that only focuses on two groups, the
immigrant groups and the—assumed—culturally homogeneous majority,
may reach its limits in such super-diverse contexts. It can be assumed that
two groups in contact differ in their interactions as compared to ten or more
groups with potential alliances and complex social hierarchies, which is the
reality on many Western schoolyards nowadays. For the study of immigrant
groups, the growing diversity has various consequences. First of all, more
comparative research is needed to identify similarities and dissimilarities
between ethnic groups. Such comparisons may not necessarily define groups
based on nationalities, because it is impossible to study each phenomenon
in every single group across different receiving countries. Instead, different
types of immigrants may be the focus of research. Such a differentiation
could focus on refugees, ethnic minority groups, and sojourners, the “classic” groups in the study of immigration, but may also include other types
of immigrants. More recently, for example, ethnic diaspora immigrants and
repatriates have increased in numbers. Diaspora migrants return to their
country of origin after living in a diaspora for longer periods—sometimes
even generations. Furthermore, changes in transportation and telecommunication developments lead to a new class of immigrants who remain in
close connection with the homeland while successfully adjusting in the host
nation—so-called transnational groups. Transnational groups continuously
move back and forth between countries creating a strong cultural and
economic exchange. Inclusion of these groups in comparative studies can
broaden our understanding of immigration processes, and are a step toward
moving away from the overly simplistic notion that migration happens only
one way and to only one destination.
In addition to differentiating types of immigrants, the identification of
higher order dimensions on which host societies and acculturating groups

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differ seems a way forward to understand the complexity of acculturation
processes. These dimensions could be derived from cultural (e.g., collectivism vs individualism, level of familism), economic (e.g., gross domestic
product), or political differences (e.g., differences in immigration policies)
between sending and/or receiving countries. Large-scale comparative
studies would be required in the first place to reliably identify such underlying macro-level dimensions, but in the long run they would help making
predictions about groups and contexts that are not yet studied.
The growing diversity will also have consequences for theoretical acculturation models and intervention research. One of the most influential
theoretical models, by Berry (Berry, Phinney, Sam, & Vedder, 2006), for
example, may be challenged by increasingly heterogeneous societies. Future
models may, hence, emphasize situational aspects of acculturation more
(Noels & Clément, 2015) and may acknowledge the fact that globalization,
mass communication, and international exchange may instigate new acculturation processes—without any direct contact between cultural or ethnic
groups (Ferguson & Bornstein, 2012). The idea of stable fundamental cultural
values may be questioned. Instead, individuals in multicultural societies
may combine elements of different cultures more flexibly—depending
on their peers, the particular situation, or personal feelings. Such polycultural individuals may activate and use different cultural responses and
scripts—just like using the best fitting phone app (Morris, Chiu, & Liu, 2015).
In intervention research, the societal heterogeneity may also have an impact
on the strategies for improving intergroup relations. Future approaches
may be less based on mutual cultural and historical knowledge about
other cultures, because educational systems may not be able to convey all
cultures and histories in sufficient detail. Instead, more general approaches
on valuing diversity and cultural heterogeneity may move into the focus of
attention in such programs.
CONCLUSION
Immigration continues to be a critical issue for adolescent development
as migration around the world continues at an increased pace. Research
needs to continuously address the challenges and opportunities related
to these migration streams because of the growing numbers of affected
individuals and the societal needs to successfully integrate these immigrants. This essay showed the need to deepen our knowledge in this
area, because adaptation processes are not yet well understood in its full
complexity. Particularly needed is the consideration of immigrant adolescents’ adaptation across various life domains (e.g., family, peer, and
school domains) rather than the isolated study of single domains. Starting

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

11

points are the disentangling of acculturation and development, research
on risk and resilience factors—particularly in dealing with different forms
of discrimination—and studying the effects of growing diversity. In addition, new forms of adaptation have to be considered to better understand
immigration as dynamic (as illustrated by transnational immigrants) and
within the context of new technologies, forms of mass communication, and
mobility opportunities. These new developments are best studied if research
moves beyond a deficit-oriented approach to one that sees immigrant
adolescents as potentially healthy, competent, and flourishing. In the current
global climate, immigration, diversity, intergroup contact, and intergroup
relationships are ever more pressing issues to understand and address.
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Levy, D. J., Heissel, J. A., Richeson, J. A., & Adam, E. K. (2016). Psychological and
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107–112. doi:10.1111/cdep.12072
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(pp. 127–142). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.

PETER TITZMANN SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Peter F. Titzmann, PhD, is a Professor of Developmental Psychology at
the Leibniz Universität Hannover, Germany. During his academic caree,r
he worked at the University of York, UK, the Friedrich-Schiller University
Jena, Germany, the University of Zurich, Switzerland, and the University of
Education Weingarten, Germany. His general research interests relate to the
interplay between normative development and migration-related adaptation
among adolescents with immigrant backgrounds. He has investigated this
interplay in various developmental outcomes, such as experiences of stress,
delinquent behavior, friendships, autonomy development, self-efficacy,
and changes in family hierarchy and family interaction. His work has been
published in numerous book sections and journal articles, for example, in
Child Development, Developmental Psychology, the Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology, and the Journal of Youth and Adolescence.
LINDA JUANG SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Linda P. Juang, PhD, is a Professor of Inclusive Education at the University
of Potsdam, Germany. Before moving to Germany, she taught at San Francisco State University and the University of California in Santa Barbara. Her

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

research focuses on immigration-related issues such as acculturation, family relations, racial/ethnic discrimination, and parental racial socialization
among ethnic minority adolescents and emerging adults. She is currently an
Assistant Editor for the Journal of Adolescence and Associate Editor for Cultural
Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology.
RELATED ESSAYS
Political Conflict and Youth: A Long-Term View (Psychology), Brian K. Barber
The Impact of Bilingualism on Cognition (Psychology), Ellen Bialystok
Peers and Adolescent Risk Taking (Psychology), Jason Chein
Youth Entrepreneurship (Psychology), William Damon et al.
Migrant Networks (Sociology), Filiz Garip and Asad L. Asad
Changing Family Patterns (Sociology), Kathleen Gerson and Stacy Torres
Immigrant Children and the Transition to Adulthood (Sociology), Roberto G.
Gonzales and Benjamin J. Roth
The Reorganization of Work (Sociology), Charles Heckscher
Immigration and the Changing Status of Asian Americans (Sociology),
Jennifer Lee
Immigrant Sociocultural Adaptation, Identification, and Belonging
(Sociology), Sarah J. Mahler
Social, Psychological, and Physiological Reactions to Stress (Psychology),
Bruce S. McEwen and Craig A. McEwen
Social Change and Entry to Adulthood (Sociology), Jeylan T. Mortimer
Cultural Conflict (Sociology), Ian Mullins
Positive Developments During the Transition to Adulthood (Psychology), Gil
G. Noam and Bailey Triggs
Identity-Based Motivation (Psychology), Daphna Oyserman
Schooling, Learning, and the Life Course (Education), Aaron M. Pallas
Health and Social Inequality (Sociology), Bernice A. Pescosolido
Latinos and the Color Line (Sociology), Clara E. Rodríguez et al.
Stereotype Threat (Psychology), Toni Schmader and William M. Hall
Gender and the Transition to Adulthood: A Diverse Pathways View
(Sociology), Ingrid Schoon
Impact of Limited Education on Employment Prospects in Advanced
Economies (Sociology), Heike Solga
Language Proficiency and the Integration of Immigrant Students in the
Education System (Education), Petra Stanat and Aileen Edele
Assimilation and Its Discontents (Sociology), Min Zhou


Immigrant Adolescents:
Opportunities and Challenges
PETER F. TITZMANN and LINDA P. JUANG

Abstract
Immigration is a critical issue for adolescent development as migration around the
world continues at an increased pace. This essay provides insights into the opportunities and challenges in this area of research, but also spotlights important work
that can serve as the foundation for future investigations. Our focus is on adolescent
immigrants, as a substantial share of international migrants is under the age of 20.
We first address specific issues across the crucial life domains of family, peers, and
school, highlighting the need for developing outcome- and domain-specific models
in immigration research instead of focusing on “The Integration” of adolescent immigrants in general. We will then discuss more general challenges and future avenues
in research with immigrant adolescents: the interplay of development and acculturation, discrimination, and the increasing heterogeneity of modern societies.

INTRODUCTION
The current migration waves are unprecedented. United Nations figures
show that the number of international migrants increased substantially
from 173 million in 2000 to 222 million in 2010 to 244 million in 2015. These
migration streams are observed on all continents, although Europe, Asia,
and Northern America host the largest numbers (United Nations, 2016).
Political crises, wars, ethnic or religious hostility, and widening socioeconomic differences between regions have all fueled migration. In the future,
global climate change and the concomitant disasters will spark additional
migration waves. The sheer numbers and the associated growing cultural
diversity show both challenging and beneficial effects for receiving and
sending societies. Receiving societies are, for example, not only confronted
with economic challenges, such as the distribution of resources, but also
with a fast growing cultural diversity that can result in interethnic tensions.
Receiving societies can, however, also benefit from immigrants who fill
the gaps from shrinking workforces and contribute to the community
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences.
Robert Scott and Marlis Buchmann (General Editors) with Stephen Kosslyn (Consulting Editor).
© 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 978-1-118-90077-2.

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

economically, socially, and culturally. Sending countries often face brain
drains and a shrinking labor force, but they also experience opportunities
through remittances and long-term repatriation. Social science research has
certainly recognized the necessity to develop an understanding of migration
processes and particularly of how individuals and societies can successfully
cope with and benefit from these challenges. Hence, social science provides
solid evidence that can help policy makers and practitioners. Nevertheless,
many questions and challenges remain.
This essay provides insights into these opportunities and challenges
and spotlights important work that can serve as the foundation for future
research. Although migration occurs in nearly all age groups (United
Nations, 2016), we focus primarily on adolescence covering the ages of 10 to
18. Adolescence is chosen because about 15% of all international migrants
are under the age of 20. In this life period, immigrating individuals have
the double burden of coping with acculturation-related (language, new
school system, etc.) and normative age-related challenges (Motti-Stefanidi,
Berry, Chryssochoou, Sam, & Phinney, 2012). This essay first addresses
specific challenges and opportunities for adolescent immigrants across
crucial life domains, highlighting the need for developing outcome- and
domain-specific explanatory acculturation models instead of focusing on
“The Integration” of adolescent immigrants in general. We then describe
more general, domain-unspecific, challenges and future avenues in research
with immigrant adolescents.
ADOLESCENT IMMIGRANTS: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
ACROSS IMPORTANT DOMAINS OF LIFE
Like all adolescents, immigrant adolescents undergo a set of normative
developmental changes. Biological and hormonal changes during puberty
are observed in the development of primary and secondary sexual characteristics and sexual maturation. Neuropsychological changes are observed
in the brain: The share of gray matter (mainly consisting of cell bodies and
axons with only little myelination) decreases, whereas the share of white
matter (e.g., long myelinated axons) increases. Adolescents develop more
sophisticated cognitive abilities, better working memory, and improved
problem-solving abilities. In addition, changes in the socio-emotional system
promote increased reward-seeking, which can lead to higher risk-taking
behavior. This process is slowed down later in adolescence by changes in
the brain’s cognitive control system associated with better self-regulation
(Steinberg, 2015).
In the social realm, relationships with peers and parents change. Peer
relations become more complex and involve various layers of relationships

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

3

(best friends, friendship cliques, crowds, romantic relationships) that differ
in mutuality and function. The quality of friendships changes from joint
(play) activities to mutual exchange, intimacy, and mutual support. In the
family, autonomy and attachment are renegotiated between parents and
children, leaving adolescents with more freedom, more responsibilities,
possibly more restrictions, while securing ongoing family support. These
normative developmental changes co-occur in immigrant adolescents’ lives
with acculturation-related tasks, such as the acquisition of a new language,
familiarization with new social and cultural norms of behavior, and coping
with acculturation-related stressors and issues related to their minority
status. Both developmental and acculturation-related tasks each uniquely
contribute to immigrant adolescents’ psychosocial functioning, depending
on the life domain studied.
FAMILY DOMAIN: ACCULTURATIVE GAP AND FAMILY OBLIGATIONS
Most young people immigrate together with their parents and siblings,
making the acculturation process in the new country a family affair. However, not all family members adapt at the same rate. On average, younger
immigrants adapt more easily and quickly to new conditions. This is
partly due to younger immigrants’ integration into educational institutions,
socializing them culturally and offering contacts with local peers and
teachers. This difference between parents’ and adolescents’ adaptation
is termed acculturation gap or acculturative dissonance. Acculturation gaps
can be accompanied by family conflicts or alienation between parents and
children (Juang, Syed, & Takagi, 2007; Titzmann & Sonnenberg, 2016). Such
gaps may be a basis for adolescents’ taking on more family obligations than
is the norm given their age. These obligations include tasks of language
and culture brokering, but also a higher burden of acculturation-unrelated
tasks, such as providing emotional (comforting parents, mediation in family
disputes) or instrumental (help in decisions and in everyday life) support
to their parents (Titzmann, 2012). Overall, the findings show that young
immigrants often form the bridge between the host society and their family,
consequently affecting adolescent–parent relationships. There are, however,
still many questions to be answered: Although adolescents may adjust
more quickly than their parents, this is not necessarily always the case.
Acculturation gaps can also be found in opposite direction, with parents
having a higher orientation to the majority culture than their kids. It is
not yet clear when, under what circumstances, and in which aspects of
everyday family life acculturation gaps develop, increase, decrease, or are
opposite to what one expects. More research is also needed with regard to
the interplay of acculturative gaps, acculturation-related family obligations

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

(e.g., language brokering), and acculturation-unrelated family obligations
(e.g., instrumental and emotional support).
Empirically, the consequences of acculturation gaps and associated family
obligations are also unclear. Some studies found beneficial effects of family
obligations (Juang & Cookston, 2009), whereas other studies point to elevated stress levels and, hence, see it as a risk factor (Kim, Hou, & Gonzalez,
2016). These mixed results suggest that there are underlying moderators for
the effects of family obligations on the psychosocial functioning of adolescents. Fuligni and Telzer (2013), for example, show that family obligations
are associated with less detrimental effects in adolescent immigrants if adolescents see these obligations as filial role fulfillment. Other moderators associated with more detrimental effects of family obligations were younger age
(Schulz, Titzmann, & Michel, 2013) and low levels of resilience (Kim et al.,
2016). But the search for the most decisive moderators has just begun and
will be important information for developing targeted and effective prevention and intervention efforts.
PEER DOMAIN: FRIENDSHIP HOMOPHILY
Research on peer relations of immigrant adolescents has a long tradition, and
many studies address the major question of how positive intergroup relations
can be achieved. This question is even more pressing in recent decades as
societies become increasingly multicultural. A major obstacle in this regard
is the phenomenon of homophily. Homophily “is the principle that contact
between similar people occurs at a higher rate than among dissimilar people”
(McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001, p. 416). Ethnicity is one of the major
characteristics in which friends are similar. The preference for peers with similar ethnic or religious backgrounds can already be found in preadolescence
and remains high during adolescence. About 75% of friends of Black adolescents are also black, 55% of friends of Hispanic adolescents have a Hispanic
background, and about 40% of friends of Asian heritage adolescents shared
their Asian background, but with 85%, the share of intra-ethnic friends was
highest in the White majority (Harris & Cavanagh, 2008).
Ethnic homophily is not the desired state in multicultural societies,
however. Inter-ethnic contact and cooperation results in various beneficial
effects including reduced intergroup prejudice (for a recent meta-analysis on
the effects of intergroup contact see Lemmer & Wagner, 2015). Inter-ethnic
cooperation, thus, is a promising future research avenue. Research has
already studied and replicated factors that lead to lower levels of homophily.
Among them are positive contact opportunities, positive attitudes toward
interethnic friendships, lower levels of discrimination, and the improvement
of interethnic communication—for example by immigrants’ acquiring the

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

5

new language (Titzmann, 2014). Nevertheless, the unique contribution of
each of these factors, the best way for their acquisition, potential side effects,
and their interaction with one another still require more research as well as
the large-scale application of these findings in practical terms.
However, low levels of homophily should not always be the ultimate
goal of psychological research and intervention. In a negative racial or
interethnic climate, homophily can fulfill important psychological needs for
social support among ethnic minorities (van Laar, Levin, & Sidanius, 2008).
In addition, if interethnic contact takes place too early after immigration, it
can overburden adolescents’ coping abilities. In a study on ethnic German
immigrants, for example, interethnic contact was associated with more
depressive symptoms among newcomers (<1.5 years in Germany), whereas
it was associated with fewer depressive symptoms later on (Silbereisen &
Schmitt-Rodermund, 2000). Hence, future research should address beneficial effects of both interethnic and intra-ethnic contact, combine both these
research agendas, and study the effects as a function of time in the new
country.
SCHOOL DOMAIN: ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT GAPS
Doing well in school is one of the key indicators of positive sociocultural
adaptation and a path to successful integration. However, disparities in
academic outcomes between students with and without an immigrant background persist, in Germany as well as in other countries. Immigrant groups
are often less likely to complete higher education than majority adolescents,
depending on the particular group, however. The most common explanation for the academic discrepancy between those of immigrant versus
non-migrant background includes the confounding of socioeconomic status
(SES) with immigration status (Kristen & Granato, 2007). Living in lower SES
communities means that the schools are more likely to be under-resourced,
and the neighborhoods more likely to be less safe and environmentally
healthy—factors that may negatively impact adolescent health, well-being,
and, ultimately, learning. Other studies show that SES cannot explain away
all differences in academic achievement between immigrant and majority
adolescents and offer additional explanations. These explanations include
a lower language proficiency and a lower likelihood to attend preschool
among children of migrant background. Educational disparities are also due
to discrimination and stereotyping in school. Stereotype threat can lead to
lower well-being and biological stress responses, including changes in stress
hormones and sleep patterns, which, in turn, impede cognitive functioning
and academic performance (Levy, Heissel, Richeson, & Adam, 2016). To put
it simply: Students who do not feel well, tend not to do well.

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

It is a major research agenda to level out such educational discrepancies.
Studies regarding generational status may be one starting point for such
endeavors. Evidence on the “immigrant paradox” reveals that immigration
is not always a disadvantage for schooling. First-generation (immigrant)
adolescents in the United States compared to their second- and later generation age-mates often do better in terms of school grades and report
higher school motivation (Marks, Ejesi, & García Coll, 2014). The mechanisms behind the immigrant paradox may help in improving the school
performance of immigrants, and hence should be studied in greater detail.
A second starting point is the recognition and realization of immigrant
youth’s potential. Young immigrants have strengths and resources (e.g.,
group-specific history, another language) that need to be recognized in
culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2010). This recognition is necessary
to ensure that immigrant adolescents have sufficient chances to do well in
school, setting the stage for positive development as adults. School-based
relationships, such as having a supportive relationship with a teacher or
other caring adult, predict greater academic engagement and achievement
(Suárez-Orozco, Pimentel, & Martin, 2009). These are all research avenues
that, if followed continually, will help in overcoming educational disparities.
INTERPLAY OF FAMILY, PEERS, AND SCHOOL DOMAINS
The three domains highlight how immigrant adolescents cope with particular challenges in each of these domains. What is still lacking is more research
on the interplay of these domains. This neglect poses a specific challenge in
drawing conclusions from research that considers domains in isolation. For
the majority adolescents, behavioral norms and values as well as reinforcements and sanctions are often in alignment across contexts, because teachers,
parents, and often also peers share similar cultural values. For immigrant
adolescents, this is not necessarily the case, because parents and teachers may
have a different understanding of culturally appropriate behavior or parental
involvement in school matters (Crosnoe & Ansari, 2015).
Potential consequences are manifold, reaching from communication problems between families and school to contrary expectations adolescents face
across domains. For example, in the United States, Asian-heritage adolescents’ academic achievements (beneficial in the school domain) may result
in higher levels of bullying by peers (detrimental in the peer domain) if their
peers perceive that teachers favor Asian-heritage students at the expense of
other groups (Qin, Way, & Mukherjee, 2008). The example shows that intersections of life domains have to be studied more thoroughly and that research
should consider side effects (both positive and negative) of adaptation in one
life domain for another. Such findings are highly relevant for intervention

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

7

studies. In addition, research should investigate in greater detail how adolescents successfully bridge life domains that are not in alignment with one
another. The development of a bicultural identity and situation-based cultural code-switching are promising first steps in this direction.
FUTURE CHALLENGES IN IMMIGRATION RESEARCH
This third section deals with general challenges of current immigration
research that are related to the interplay of development and acculturation,
the different forms of discrimination, and the growing diversity in modern
Western societies. These challenges are not specific for a particular life
domain or developmental context, but they can—if ignored—be a threat to
social and societal cohesion in receiving societies.
DEVELOPMENT AND ACCULTURATION
One of the growing tasks in research on immigrant adolescents is the differentiation between developmental and acculturative processes (Motti-Stefanidi
et al., 2012), and certainly more knowledge about the interplay of these
processes is necessary. Past research has often ignored this differentiation
and either used a developmental or an acculturation perspective to study
immigrants’ outcomes. However, studying immigrant adolescents from
solely one of these perspectives can carry a substantial risk for misinterpretation. An overemphasis on general acculturation-unrelated developmental
models ignores the immigrant-specific needs and situations, whereas an
overemphasis on acculturation-specific aspects can add to the perception of
a large cultural distance between ethnic groups in multicultural societies,
although these groups may, in fact, be more similar than different.
Only recently have studies combined developmental and acculturation
theories, but these efforts have to be intensified. It is important to learn
whether adolescent immigrants are first and foremost adolescents with the
same mechanisms explaining their psychosocial functioning as those found
for native adolescents (Jugert & Titzmann, 2017). This would allow the
application of established universal prevention or intervention programs
to diverse populations. If, however, ethnicity-specific models are found to
better explain the functioning of immigrants, the application of universal
interventions may produce less optimal results in those groups and may
increase ethnic gaps in adaptation. Under these circumstances, new prevention and intervention measures become necessary to address group-specific
needs and mechanisms. Furthermore, the interplay of both processes has
to be investigated. Acculturative and developmental processes may be
cumulative, for example, when acculturative and developmental stressors

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

accumulate and impede adolescents’ coping processes. But both processes
may also be compensatory, for example, when language brokering leads
to adolescents’ increased autonomy from parents, which is normatively
achieved much later and through other means in the majority population.
In addition, future research may also concentrate more on the opportunities
of normative biographical transitions in the life of adolescent immigrants,
such as attending new educational institutions or graduation. Biographical
transitions provide new social roles and expose individuals to new ecological settings. Transitions, hence, are opportunities for implementing societal
guidance and interventions for helping to change individuals’ established
behavioral patterns and to channel them into long-term positive adaptation.
The transition into a new country or the biographical transition within
countries may also be accompanied by desistance from problematic deviant
behaviors and offer corrections for undesirable developmental trajectories.
THE DIFFERENT FACES OF DISCRIMINATION AND PREJUDICE
Although the negative effects of discrimination are well documented with
cross-sectional, experimental, and longitudinal studies (Umaña-Taylor,
2016), further research is needed. One line in this direction should investigate protective factors against the negative effects of discrimination. So far,
research using the risk and resilience perspective has identified some protective factors, such as a positive and well-developed ethnic identity, positive
relationships with parents, peers, and teachers, as well as a positive school
climate. The research in this area is, however, rather scattered. Some factors
are protective in one study with a particular minority groups, but it does
not have the same protective effect in another study with another group.
Hence, the buffering of protective factors seems to depend on circumstances
or other moderators that have to be identified in the future research.
In addition, studies need to address how the level of discrimination in the
majority population can be reduced in the first place. In this regard, it seems
promising to learn more about different discriminating acts. In general, discrimination is being treated differently and negatively on the basis of the
ethnic, cultural, or religious background. In most cases, people think of discrimination as a blatant derogative form of aggression, such as the message
“Go back to your own country!” directed towards an immigrant. However,
discrimination can also be rather subtle through micro-aggressions (Sue et al.,
2007). The seemingly harmless question “Where do you come from?”, repeatedly directed toward a second-generation immigrant, conveys, for example,
that this person is not really part of the majority population. Such a question,
unlike a blatant devaluation, may not be meant to be offensive, but may have
similar negative consequences. Challenges with this type of discrimination

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

9

are that they may be unintentional so that perpetrators have no notion of
doing wrong and may even perceive the victim as oversensitive when they
are confronted with their own behavior. In turn, this puts a challenge for
victims’ reactions to those incidents, which may hinder the successful societal abolishment of such behaviors. Hence, the study of micro-aggressions
deserves more attention in the future. Such research may investigate how
parents and teachers can socialize children to be attentive to verbal and nonverbal nuances in communication, and may identify effective protective factors among immigrants.
GROWING DIVERSITY AND CHALLENGES FOR ACCULTURATION MODELS
Another area for future research is the growing diversity in many Western
societies with hosting culturally and historically diverse ethnic groups in
one place. Acculturation research that only focuses on two groups, the
immigrant groups and the—assumed—culturally homogeneous majority,
may reach its limits in such super-diverse contexts. It can be assumed that
two groups in contact differ in their interactions as compared to ten or more
groups with potential alliances and complex social hierarchies, which is the
reality on many Western schoolyards nowadays. For the study of immigrant
groups, the growing diversity has various consequences. First of all, more
comparative research is needed to identify similarities and dissimilarities
between ethnic groups. Such comparisons may not necessarily define groups
based on nationalities, because it is impossible to study each phenomenon
in every single group across different receiving countries. Instead, different
types of immigrants may be the focus of research. Such a differentiation
could focus on refugees, ethnic minority groups, and sojourners, the “classic” groups in the study of immigration, but may also include other types
of immigrants. More recently, for example, ethnic diaspora immigrants and
repatriates have increased in numbers. Diaspora migrants return to their
country of origin after living in a diaspora for longer periods—sometimes
even generations. Furthermore, changes in transportation and telecommunication developments lead to a new class of immigrants who remain in
close connection with the homeland while successfully adjusting in the host
nation—so-called transnational groups. Transnational groups continuously
move back and forth between countries creating a strong cultural and
economic exchange. Inclusion of these groups in comparative studies can
broaden our understanding of immigration processes, and are a step toward
moving away from the overly simplistic notion that migration happens only
one way and to only one destination.
In addition to differentiating types of immigrants, the identification of
higher order dimensions on which host societies and acculturating groups

10

EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

differ seems a way forward to understand the complexity of acculturation
processes. These dimensions could be derived from cultural (e.g., collectivism vs individualism, level of familism), economic (e.g., gross domestic
product), or political differences (e.g., differences in immigration policies)
between sending and/or receiving countries. Large-scale comparative
studies would be required in the first place to reliably identify such underlying macro-level dimensions, but in the long run they would help making
predictions about groups and contexts that are not yet studied.
The growing diversity will also have consequences for theoretical acculturation models and intervention research. One of the most influential
theoretical models, by Berry (Berry, Phinney, Sam, & Vedder, 2006), for
example, may be challenged by increasingly heterogeneous societies. Future
models may, hence, emphasize situational aspects of acculturation more
(Noels & Clément, 2015) and may acknowledge the fact that globalization,
mass communication, and international exchange may instigate new acculturation processes—without any direct contact between cultural or ethnic
groups (Ferguson & Bornstein, 2012). The idea of stable fundamental cultural
values may be questioned. Instead, individuals in multicultural societies
may combine elements of different cultures more flexibly—depending
on their peers, the particular situation, or personal feelings. Such polycultural individuals may activate and use different cultural responses and
scripts—just like using the best fitting phone app (Morris, Chiu, & Liu, 2015).
In intervention research, the societal heterogeneity may also have an impact
on the strategies for improving intergroup relations. Future approaches
may be less based on mutual cultural and historical knowledge about
other cultures, because educational systems may not be able to convey all
cultures and histories in sufficient detail. Instead, more general approaches
on valuing diversity and cultural heterogeneity may move into the focus of
attention in such programs.
CONCLUSION
Immigration continues to be a critical issue for adolescent development
as migration around the world continues at an increased pace. Research
needs to continuously address the challenges and opportunities related
to these migration streams because of the growing numbers of affected
individuals and the societal needs to successfully integrate these immigrants. This essay showed the need to deepen our knowledge in this
area, because adaptation processes are not yet well understood in its full
complexity. Particularly needed is the consideration of immigrant adolescents’ adaptation across various life domains (e.g., family, peer, and
school domains) rather than the isolated study of single domains. Starting

Immigrant Adolescents: Opportunities and Challenges

11

points are the disentangling of acculturation and development, research
on risk and resilience factors—particularly in dealing with different forms
of discrimination—and studying the effects of growing diversity. In addition, new forms of adaptation have to be considered to better understand
immigration as dynamic (as illustrated by transnational immigrants) and
within the context of new technologies, forms of mass communication, and
mobility opportunities. These new developments are best studied if research
moves beyond a deficit-oriented approach to one that sees immigrant
adolescents as potentially healthy, competent, and flourishing. In the current
global climate, immigration, diversity, intergroup contact, and intergroup
relationships are ever more pressing issues to understand and address.
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PETER TITZMANN SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Peter F. Titzmann, PhD, is a Professor of Developmental Psychology at
the Leibniz Universität Hannover, Germany. During his academic caree,r
he worked at the University of York, UK, the Friedrich-Schiller University
Jena, Germany, the University of Zurich, Switzerland, and the University of
Education Weingarten, Germany. His general research interests relate to the
interplay between normative development and migration-related adaptation
among adolescents with immigrant backgrounds. He has investigated this
interplay in various developmental outcomes, such as experiences of stress,
delinquent behavior, friendships, autonomy development, self-efficacy,
and changes in family hierarchy and family interaction. His work has been
published in numerous book sections and journal articles, for example, in
Child Development, Developmental Psychology, the Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology, and the Journal of Youth and Adolescence.
LINDA JUANG SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Linda P. Juang, PhD, is a Professor of Inclusive Education at the University
of Potsdam, Germany. Before moving to Germany, she taught at San Francisco State University and the University of California in Santa Barbara. Her

14

EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

research focuses on immigration-related issues such as acculturation, family relations, racial/ethnic discrimination, and parental racial socialization
among ethnic minority adolescents and emerging adults. She is currently an
Assistant Editor for the Journal of Adolescence and Associate Editor for Cultural
Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology.
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