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Teacher Judgments and their Role in the Educational Process

Item

Title
Teacher Judgments and their Role in the Educational Process
Author
Artelt, Cordula
Research Area
Social Institutions
Topic
Educational Institutions
Abstract
Teacher judgments matter for students: They have an impact not only on students' academic self‐concepts and for their theories about themselves as learners but also on educational pathways through grades and school leaving certificates. However, do teachers have the expertise for such judgments? Is there such a thing as a professional ability to judge (diagnostic competence)? The essay provides an overview on research related to teacher judgment accuracy and bias and specifies conditions under which accurate teacher judgments can (and cannot) be expected. It is argued that in research as well as in teacher training, causes of judgment and judgment demands need to be taken into account and that the role of knowledge components in controlled and automatic decision‐making after intensive experience on the job needs to be better understood.
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Identifier
etrds0402
extracted text
Teacher Judgments and Their Role in
the Educational Process
CORDULA ARTELT

Abstract
Teacher judgments matter for students: They have an impact not only on students’
academic self-concepts and for their theories about themselves as learners but also
on educational pathways through grades and school leaving certificates. However,
do teachers have the expertise for such judgments? Is there such a thing as a professional ability to judge (diagnostic competence)? The essay provides an overview
on research related to teacher judgment accuracy and bias and specifies conditions
under which accurate teacher judgments can (and cannot) be expected. It is argued
that in research as well as in teacher training, causes of judgment and judgment
demands need to be taken into account and that the role of knowledge components
in controlled and automatic decision-making after intensive experience on the job
needs to be better understood.

PREVALENCE AND RELEVANCE OF TEACHER JUDGMENTS
Teacher judgments are omnipresent in everyday school life. During lessons,
on average, teachers ask a question or set a task every 30 s (Niegemann &
Stadler, 2001). The more adaptive these actions are, the more (implicit or
explicit) judgments teachers have to make of students’ achievement level,
their learning trajectories, and the related difficulty of specific tasks and
learning materials. However, not only adaptive approaches set high standards for past and/or concurrent decision-making: All forms of teachers’
task setting, question generating, and feedback on students’ performance
rely on assumptions about students’ (age-related) performance and abilities, the expected learning gains of specific treatments, and the assumed
difficulty level of certain tasks or questions.1 These tasks thus imply a
form of teachers’ decision-making. Some of these judgments are related
1. These expectations might not be the result of individual teachers’ decision-making but instead be
part of their professional knowledge (e.g.., about typical achievements of a K4 student in mathematics)
gained during teacher training or based on curriculum/educational standards and textbooks.
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences.
Robert Scott and Marlis Buchmann (General Editors) with Stephen Kosslyn (Consulting Editor).
© 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 978-1-118-90077-2.

1

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

primarily to educational goals (e.g., initiating assessment aimed at optimizing students’ learning) and are labeled formative assessment, sometimes
also assessment for learning (Looney, 2011; OECD, 2012). Together with these
teacher judgments and decisions related to the improvement of the quality
of teaching (e.g., adaptive teaching) and to students’ learning processes,
the evaluation of individual students’ performance is a core component
of teachers’ professional actions and duties (assessment of learning). This
primarily societal function of student evaluations also leads to selection or
placement decisions (e.g., concerning school career) and finds its expression
in granting certificates (summative assessment). Especially in countries
with a differentiated secondary school system, assignment to school types
or school tracks depends largely on grades, school leaving certificates,
and teacher recommendations. Moreover, selection decision for specific
programs or needs (special educational needs, giftedness) also depends in
part on teacher judgments.
INFLUENCES OF TEACHER JUDGMENTS ON STUDENTS
Teacher judgments matter for students. They influence not only students’
educational opportunities but also their selves and attitudes.
How do teachers shape educational trajectories? Teachers directly impact
on their students’ educational careers via formal assessments and school
leaving grades, which in turn enable students to select specific academic
tracks. In addition, teachers indirectly influence students’ educational trajectories via (more or less formal) recommendations to parents related to their
children’s school choices. In most cases, it is likely that parents trust teacher
recommendations and act accordingly. Teachers thus play a crucial role during educational transition phases. For that reason, the stronger the influence
of features other than those relevant for the decision (i.e., social categories,
stereotypes; see the following paragraphs) on teachers’ decision-making,
the more frequently the educational opportunities are displaced.
Studies of the role of teacher judgments also need to take psychological
effects into account. The way in which teachers judge and evaluate individual students’ performance and behavior impacts on students’ selves. These
evaluations and interpretations of students’ behavior and performance are
fundamental in shaping their academic self-concepts and self-esteem. This
is partly due to the feedback students receive on their performance, such as
information about the relative position within a class (social reference norm)
or the absolute level of their performance (e.g., 80% correct). However,
on top of this frequently described effect of achievement-related feedback
on students’ academic self-concepts, the way in which this information
is framed, communicated and further used by the teacher in classes has

Teacher Judgments and Their Role in the Educational Process

3

an additional influence on students’ motivation. Why so? In their everyday practice, teachers build on expectations about their students. These
expectations (e.g., related to future performance in a specific domain) are,
among others, related to teachers’ epistemological beliefs (Hofer, 2001) and
to their causal attributions2 to students’ achievement-related success or
failure (Stiensmeier-Pelster & Heckhausen, 2008; Zhou & Urhahne, 2012).
Teachers who incorrectly interpret a student’s failure as a lack of ability
(internal/stable) or effort (internal/variable) are likely to be biased not only
when allocating grades but also in terms of further achievement expectations. Expectancy-confirmation processes on the part of the teacher (Darley
& Fazio, 1980) might thus lead to a chain of reactions and overt behavior
toward students that affects the latter’s own self-evaluations and thus their
motivation. Teachers seem to form blueprints for students’ theories about
their own capabilities. In that sense, all achievement-related judgments of
teachers are, psychologically speaking, high stake.
IS THERE SUCH A THING AS TEACHERS’ DIAGNOSTIC
COMPETENCE (ASSESSMENT LITERACY?)
The notion of teacher judgment accuracy having an impact on students is
based on the idea that judgment accuracy is not a random variable that varies
according to situation, assessments demands, and other characteristics of
the teachers and students, but rather a disposition or trait (at least in certain
domains). Hence, in the tradition of teacher professionalism—especially
in the German literature—the term diagnostic competence is frequently used
(Baumert & Kunter, 2006). Diagnostic competence (or assessment literacy) is
regarded as a key competence in the context of teaching and learning (Weinert, Schrader, & Helmke, 1990). In order to meet different students’ needs,
provide accurate feedback, and tailor instructional designs accordingly,
teachers need to be able to correctly judge both relevant student characteristics and the difficulty level and demands of class material. Teachers with
high accuracy in these judgments are therefore presumed to foster students’
learning processes indirectly. Such effects of teacher judgment accuracy on
student learning gains have also been reported in the literature (Karing,
Pfost, & Artelt, 2013).
In recent years, however, a lively debate has ensued about the concept of
diagnostic competence. One of the reasons why it has been criticized is the
lack of empirical support for the assumption of a homogeneous competence
dimension. It appears that teacher judgment accuracy varies as a function
2. This itself is a form of (teacher) judgment.

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

of the respective achievement/competence domain under study (e.g., students’ mathematical or reading competence and their motivation, anxiety,
or intelligence; e.g., Spinath, 2005) and—to some degree—of other features
and demands of the judgment process (see the following section). To this end,
there is reason to believe that diagnostic competence is not an adequate term for
these intraindividually varying judgment qualities. Whether it is reasonable
to use the term diagnostic competence (as a trait or disposition) or to use the
term judgment accuracy instead (as a state) thus remains a matter of debate.
At the same time, empirical evidence concerning teachers’ diagnostic competence is incomplete and sometimes contradictory. As is argued throughout
this essay, these mixed results can be partly attributed to the fact that judgment purposes and demands are not fully taken into account in the current
literature. Teachers should not be expected to deliver high quality and accurate judgments independent of the goals, demands, and standards placed
on their judgments. In particular, the research aimed at assessing teachers’
diagnostic competence does not seem to take this sufficiently into account.
Moreover, research on the quality and accuracy of teacher judgments does
not yet have adequate standards for evaluating accuracy.
ASSESSING THE ACCURACY OF TEACHER JUDGMENTS
When judging whether Mary’s answer (60) to her teacher’s question
(34 + 29 − 2) is correct, the answer is fairly obvious. However, whether the
teacher was correct in grading Mary’s mathematical competence and assigning her to a specific program is far more difficult to determine. Obviously, a
criterion is needed for this evaluation.
A common approach in the literature is to evaluate judgment accuracy by
comparing teacher judgments related to student achievement with students’
achievement scores in a standardized test in the respective domain (test as
criterion). The use of standardized tests has many advantages. However,
it should be kept in mind that the validity of the standard depends on the
kind of teacher judgment. In times of increasing assessments of educational
effectiveness, accountability, and the relevance of standardized testing in this
regard, it is important to keep in mind that objective and standardized tests
do not guarantee a valid benchmark for teacher judgments per se. Such tests
vary not only in scope and quality but also with respect to the degree to which
they can serve as a valid criterion for students’ characteristics (i.e., competencies/abilities).
Another approach for assessing the validity of teacher judgments uses
social disparities after institutional transitions as criterion. The degree
to which the children’s attendance of different school tracks varies as a
function of social status, even after controlling for children’s grades and

Teacher Judgments and Their Role in the Educational Process

5

school achievement (which should be the only criterion for the assignment),
is often taken as an indicator of social disparities. To some extent, these
are due to disparities in teachers’ grading practice and their formation
of educational recommendations. On the basis of this criterion, research
conducted in highly tracked school systems such as Germany has shown
that teacher judgments are in fact influenced by students’ social origin
and that chances of attending a Gymnasium (academic school track) vary
accordingly (Baumert, 2016).
Research using students’ results on a standardized test as a criterion for
teacher judgments makes use of different indicators of judgment accuracy.
The most common indicator measures rank-order accuracy. Here, teacher
ratings on students’ individual (or group level) abilities are correlated with
students’ individual performance on a standardized test; a higher correlation
indicates higher judgment accuracy, indicating the degree to which the correct rank order is reproduced. Because this indicator is predominantly used,
the following passage focuses on findings based on it. However, although a
teacher might perfectly well reproduce the (achievement-related) rank order,
he or she might perform poorly when judging the level of performance (e.g.,
number of items solved) or when judging the variation of scores within a
class. A more complete picture of the accuracy of teacher judgments thus
takes into account the rank order, the level component, and the variation
component as largely independent indicators.
The majority of studies indicate that teachers’ rank-order judgments of
student characteristics correlate moderately highly with the independently
measured rank order of their students: On the basis of their meta-analysis,
Hoge and Coladarci (1989) reported correlations between r = 0.28 and
r = 0.92, with a median correlation of r = 0.66. In a recent meta-analysis
(Südkamp, Kaiser, & Möller, 2012), the Fisher’s z-transformed correlations ranged between r = −0.03 and r = 1.18, with a median correlation of
r = 0.53. However, as can be seen by the range of results reported in the
two meta-analyses and the range of individual scores within each study,
considerable differences exist among the studies.
WHY DOES JUDGMENT ACCURACY DIFFER? STANDARDS,
DEMANDS, AND TYPES OF JUDGMENT FORMATION
Teacher accuracy varies tremendously across and within studies. Why is
that? Two moderator variables identified by Südkamp et al. indicate that
the assumptions and methodologies used in the reported studies need to
be considered, given that the variation in judgment accuracy sometimes
appears to be caused by differences in study methodologies rather than
in quality of teacher judgment. It obviously matters whether the domain

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

or aspect of student characteristics subject to teacher judgment matched
with the one measured in the criterion test. According to Südkamp et al.
“congruence in domain specificity” proved to be a moderator: Lower accuracy estimates were found in studies in which the domain specificity was
incongruent (e.g., teachers rated students’ overall academic achievement,
whereas students were tested on reading comprehension). Furthermore,
teacher judgment accuracy was moderated by use of either informed or
uninformed teacher judgments, with use of informed judgments leading to a
higher correspondence between teachers’ judgments and students’ academic
achievement. Judgment accuracy thus differs depending on whether or not
teachers are, for example, informed about the standard of comparison or the
test used for the comparisons of their judgment with student characteristics.
If they are aware of the contents of the test/tasks that the students have
to perform, their judgments tend to be more accurate. If, by contrast, the
teachers do not know the standards or the basis for the comparison, they
cannot be expected to detect information that is potentially informative
about the respective characteristic or to decide whether relevant information
is available. According to Funder’s (1999) realistic accuracy model, it is thus
not very realistic to assume that teacher judgments are accurate (Artelt &
Rausch, 2014).
Another source of the variation in judgment accuracy is the fact that different types of both teacher judgments and assessments of the corresponding
student characteristics were used. The most common approach is a judgment
type in which teachers are asked to judge students’ academic achievement
or even ability on a rating scale (e.g., ranging from poor to excellent). Other
studies use teacher judgments of individual students’ performance on particular items and compare these to the actual performance of the student on the
specific tasks. Thus, judgment types differ with respect to their specificity.
As will be argued throughout this essay, the quality of teacher judgments
depends on which kind of judgment (e.g., global vs task-specific) teachers are
asked to perform and hence on which indicators are used to estimate teacher
accuracy. In what respect do these judgments differ? Let us take global versus task-specific judgments as an example to briefly illustrate differences in
the demands of the judgment tasks as well as in the assumptions one has to
make when comparing teacher judgments with external standards in order to
assess their accuracy. Obviously, more information is available to the teachers
for task-specific judgments. For global judgments, however, teachers have to
infer which of the students’ specific behaviors they consider relevant for their
judgment. They also have to decide which detections of specific behavior
they will integrate into their overall judgment. Both tasks contain potential
sources of error. For task-specific judgments, although relevant information
is available in the form of information about task demands, the detection

Teacher Judgments and Their Role in the Educational Process

7

and utilization of the available information is dependent on both the teachers’ additional knowledge about the relative difficulty of the tasks (content
knowledge and didactic knowledge) and their knowledge about students’
individual strengths and difficulties relative to these task demands. Moreover, although the standards of comparison are quite clear for task-specific
judgments, they are not necessarily so for global judgments. Given that teachers have to infer their ratings based on their definition of the respective competence domain (e.g., reading proficiency or mathematical competence), a
lower accuracy of global judgments is possibly due to the lack of a common
definition in this domain. While reading proficiency, for instance, is sometimes regarded mainly as a decoding skill and a kind of fluency indicator,
other definitions (such as those inherent in the test used as the standard of
reference in our study) are based on the ability to construct a coherent mental representation of the text. Depending on what teachers consider the key
definition, their ratings may differ not because of a lack of judgment accuracy but because of a mismatch between the inherent construct of the test
and the construct in the teachers’ minds. For the domain of mathematics,
demands and competence models are clearer. Given that mathematical skill is
acquired mainly in school and that the curriculum is well defined according
to age, teachers quite likely have a shared understanding of what constitutes
mathematical proficiency. At the same time, this is likely to be the concept
implemented in the reference tests for students, leading to higher judgment
accuracy for mathematics as compared to reading (cf. Artelt & Rausch, 2014).
In this respect, teacher judgments on students’ future academic success
(i.e., as a basis for school transition recommendations) are global as well.
They are characterized by both a certain degree of uncertainty and a lack
of information about the reliability of these decisions and recommendations
(for teachers but also for research). Thus, similar mechanisms related to the
use of subjective standards and (social) schema in the process of judgment
formation might also take place in the formation of teacher judgments on
students’ future educational success and attainment.
So far, accuracy of teacher judgments has been discussed with a focus
on the validity of the criterion used for assessing teacher accuracy in
research. In addition, the degree of specificity of teacher judgments under
study has been introduced as imposing different cognitive demands on the
teacher. Global judgments of students thereby seem to be most sensitive
to bias (Rausch, Karing, Dörfler, & Artelt, 2015), given that the frame of
reference is often unclear and the process of judgment formation relatively
unstructured. Yet another source of inaccuracy (and potentially also bias)
in teacher judgments is related to the fact that human judgment formation
is not always as rational as it could be. Dual-process models of (social)

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

decision-making (Fiske, 1993) differentiate between two types of judgment
formation: heuristic versus analytic.
HEURISTICS JUDGMENT FORMATION
Like much of human decision-making, the process of heuristic judgment
formation is characterized by the use of heuristics and shortcuts, where a
minimal amount of information is processed; sometimes, only a single cue
is considered. Decision-making thereby relies on the activated cognitive
schema or category (e.g., social categories). In the heuristic approach,
student characteristics observed by the teacher are interpreted within the
context of the activated category, which means that the category exerts a
significant influence on the judgment process. The advantage of heuristic
judgment formation is its efficiency as well as the fact that it requires little
cognitive effort. Teachers use heuristics to make everyday decisions at
school. However, when it comes to formal decisions, heuristic judgment
formation might be a source of bias. Although little is known about the
actual use of heuristics in teachers’ decision-making processes, research
has clearly shown that teacher judgments are indeed influenced by social
categories. Relevant social categories in this regard are, for instance, gender,
age, socioeconomic status, and migration status. Teachers sometimes seem
to rely on common stereotypes about strengths and weaknesses in students’
abilities related to these categories (Robinson-Cimpian, Lubienski, Ganley,
& Copur-Gencturk, 2014). In addition, grades and school leaving certificates
are influenced not only by students’ objectively measured competence (e.g.,
via large-scale assessments of domain-specific competencies in mathematics)
but also by family background characteristics (e.g., SES, Baumert, 2016).
The more strongly teachers’ social categories and preconceptions affect
grades and school leaving certificates, the more likely it is that students’
educational pathways are shaped by bias. This applies especially to students
at the middle of the achievement distribution. While teachers often find
it easy to identify very high- or low-performing students, they encounter
much more uncertainty when differentiating students in the middle part
of the distribution. Thus, bias occurs more often for the average students,
especially when teachers draw on social categories.
ANALYTIC TEACHER JUDGMENTS
The process of analytic judgment formation differs considerably from
that of heuristic judgment formation process. Within this rational form of
judgment formation, information gathering is characterized by an endeavor
to take into account all necessary information (cues), which then will be
considered—using optional weights for each cue—for forming the judgment

Teacher Judgments and Their Role in the Educational Process

9

(Swets, Dawes, & Monahan, 2000). In one sense, analytic judgment formation
can be understood as an optimal model of judgment formation, resulting
in highly accurate judgments. Unlike the heuristic approach, however, it
is a very resource-intensive process, occupying working memory capacity
that cannot be used for other professional tasks. It is therefore unrealistic
to assume that the teacher judgment formation process is always (or even
mostly) analytic in nature.
WHEN AND HOW OFTEN CAN ONE EXPECT TO FIND ACCURATE
JUDGMENTS?
The findings and models reported so far suggest that teachers in general
are not very accurate in judging students’ performance and achievements.
However, in this context it is worth considering the whens and whys of
decision-making. In order to gain both knowledge about the process of
teacher judgment formation and a realistic picture of teachers’ ability and
everyday performance in making judgments, research has to take into
account which ingredients are needed for accurate judgments.
MOTIVATION bEHIND JUDGMENTS
Dual-process models suggest that judgment formation is not always analytic
and rational (see above) and that the type of judgment formation (either analytic or heuristic) depends on the motivation of the person formulating the
judgment. Krolak-Schwerdt, Böhmer, and Gräsel (2013) were able to show
two important findings in this regard. First, information processing of relevant cues during the phase of forming judgments about students is in fact
dependent on teachers’ motivation (operationalized as the relevance of the
judgment to be formed). Second, teachers—but not novices—were able to
change the processing mode from a heuristic to an analytic one to make relevant judgments. In the light of these and similar considerations (Kahneman,
2011), it is likely that analytic decision-making is often limited to subjectively
relevant and significant diagnostic decisions. Expertise should thus not be
understood as an unconditional tendency to form accurate/analytic judgments but rather as an ability to form them when needed. In addition to the
motivation to consider and process all relevant cues, teachers also require a
sufficient knowledge base to consider and process these cues adequately.
KNOWLEDGE ABOUT TASKS AND STUDENTS
Teacher judgments about student characteristics relate, more or less, to specific school subjects. The more specific the ratings are in terms of a school

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

subject or competence domain, the more likely it is that knowledge about the
nature and demands of the respective domain is needed in order to judge students’ performance effectively. Such judgments are particularly important in
formative assessments that aim at improving the quality of learning. Another
clear indicator of the significance of domain- or subject-specific knowledge in
teacher judgments is the subject-specific cues that need to be recognized and
considered if an accurate judgment is to be reached (cf. National Research
Council, 2001). In order to estimate student performance accurately, teachers need to know about the epistemic demands of the respective domain:
What exactly do students need to know and understand in order to be able
to deliver the performance that is expected from them? On the basis of the
Tetraeder model by Campione and Armbruster (1985), individual students’
performance on a specific task can be understood as varying according to
(i) the characteristics of the student, such as prior knowledge, intelligence, and
motivation; (ii) activities required of the student, such as the application of
appropriate strategies; (iii) task demands; and (iv) the quality and composition
of materials.
Teachers wishing to estimate the performance of their students accurately
need to take all sources into account. The more knowledge of these aspects
that teachers possess, the more accurate their judgments should be. Thus, the
accuracy of diagnostic judgments—either formative or summative—relies
heavily on teachers’ subject-specific content knowledge (task demands
and knowledge about learning materials), pedagogical content knowledge
(student activities needed for specific tasks), and knowledge of related
student characteristics. However, surprisingly little research has assessed
these knowledge components or analyzed their role within the judgment
process itself—including the question of how teachers actually combine
student and task variables when judging student performance.
KNOWLEDGE ABOUT ERRORS AND TENDENCIES
Moreover, there are good reasons to assume that teachers’ knowledge about
general tendencies and errors in the decision-making process—and about
adequate ways of dealing with these—are a central element of a professional
knowledge base and a theoretically relevant predictor of judgment accuracy.
If teachers, for instance, know about the possible consequences of selective
information processing (e.g., expectancy effects) and errors related to falsely
relying on dominant features (e.g., halo effects) and also about contrast
and anchor effects (Kahneman, 2011), they can at least reflect on their
decision-making against this background.
Given the high number of formal decisions and even higher number of
informal ones that teachers have to make in an everyday school context, it

Teacher Judgments and Their Role in the Educational Process

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is unlikely that every decision is as accurate as it could be. Teachers need
to make many decisions throughout the working day “on the fly,” without
the time to engage in an explicit decision-making process. Hence, not every
decision can be as rational and precise as possible. At the same time, intuitive decision-making sometimes leads to valid decisions. However, little is
known about when and to what extent teachers’ judgments are based on their
intuition and how reliable those judgments are. Although judgments that
rely on social categories and other schema are vulnerable to bias, this kind of
judgment formation might be not only quick and efficient but also more reliable than expected, especially in later phases of a professional career, when
schema on students (in general as well as on specific students) become more
differentiated and possibly more realistic.
DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
Teachers’ judgments are omnipresent in their professional practice, for
example, as pedagogical feedback (e.g., on success or failure) or as summative judgments on students’ ability or attainment (e.g., via grades
and recommendations). Students’ educational careers and psychosocial
development are strongly influenced by these judgments. At the same
time, there is evidence that teacher judgments are not always as valid and
accurate as might be expected. Teachers obviously draw on schema and
social categories during the process of judgment formation, and research
on accuracy of teacher judgments (tests as criterion) shows that accuracy
varies considerably within as well as between studies. It has been argued,
however, that it is unrealistic to claim that teacher judgments should always
be accurate, independent of the cause of judgment. It is worth considering
the whens and whys of decision-making and future research should systematically take into account different judgment causes and demands. In order
to gain both knowledge about the process of teacher judgment formation
and a realistic picture of teachers’ ability and everyday performance in
making judgments, the ingredients needed for accurate judgments need to
be considered.
Up to now, surprisingly little research has assessed the role of professional
knowledge needed for adequate judgments on student performance—
especially related to knowledge about student variables (e.g., their dispositions and activities) as well as about task variables (e.g., demands
generated by different tasks and materials). Nor has there been substantial
research on the role of different knowledge facets within the judgment
process itself—including the question of how teachers actually combine
knowledge about students and tasks when judging student performance.
Moreover, there is a research gap related to the professional process of

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

judgment formation. We seem to know very little about the role and use of
professional knowledge in the everyday practice of judgment formation in
school.
Another desideratum for future research is the need to apply adequate
standards for comparisons when evaluating the quality of teacher judgments. Mixed results on the accuracy of teacher judgments can partly be
attributed to the fact that research often does not have or apply adequate
(valid) standards for evaluating accuracy. Given that teachers’ recommendations on students’ educational pathways (including school leaving
certificates and grades—especially at the end of primary school) often lack
feedback on students’ success in secondary school, the necessity of valid
benchmarks also applies to teacher judgments themselves.
Moreover, little is known about the actual use of heuristics in teachers’
decision-making processes. We clearly need to know more about when and
to what extent teachers’ judgments are based on their intuition and how reliable those judgments are. Especially in later phases of a professional career,
when schema on students (in general as well as on specific students) become
more differentiated and possibly more realistic, this kind of judgment formation might be not only quick and efficient but also more reliable than
expected. Given, on the one hand, findings on the detrimental consequences
of biased judgments for students, especially if these are based on stereotypes, and, on the other hand, research on valid professional intuition as
a result of deliberate practice (see Plessner, Betsch, & Betsch, 2010, for an
overview), further elaboration is needed on the development of expertise in
nonanalytic judgment formation (intuition). There is a need to better understand how teachers’ professional decision-making develops as a function of
educational practice and to what extent professional development is dependent on deliberate practice and on the active seeking and processing of feedback (e.g., metacognitive judgments of students regarding their own learning
progress). Especially, the role of knowledge components in controlled and
automatic decision-making after intensive experience on the job needs to be
better understood. Attempts to reduce both social disparities and the psychosocial costs of invalid teacher judgments might benefit substantially from
these findings.

REFERENCES
Artelt, C., & Rausch, T. (2014). Accuracy of teacher judgments. When and for what
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FURTHER READING
Artelt, C., & Rausch, T. (2014). Accuracy of teacher judgments. When and for what
reasons? In S. Krolak-Schwerdt, S. Glock & M. Böhmer (Eds.), Teachers’ professional
development: Assessment, training, and learning (pp. 27–43). Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers.
Plessner, H., Betsch, C., & Betsch, T. (Eds.) (2010). Intuition in judgment and decision
making. New York, NY: Lawrence Erlbaum.

CORDULA ARTELT SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Cordula Artelt is a Full Professor of Education (Educational Research) at the
Otto-Friedrich University Bamberg, Germany. She holds degrees in Psychology and Education. She is a member of the Senate of the German Research
Foundation (DFG) and the German Data Forum (RatSWD) and Vice Dean
at the faculty of Human Sciences in Bamberg. Since 2000, she is involved
in national and international organization and reporting on OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA). Her research focuses
on issues related to text comprehension, metacognition, competence development, large-scale assessments, and teacher professionalism.
Website:
https://www.uni-bamberg.de/en/bildungsforschung/staff/
cordula-artelt/.

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