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Title
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Maternal and Paternal Employment across the Life Course
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Author
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Kreyenfeld, Michaela
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Research Area
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Social Institutions
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Topic
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Marriage and the Family
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Abstract
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This essay provides a condensed summary of major findings in trends in maternal and paternal employment patterns. Key theoretical concepts (such as cultural approaches, welfare state approaches, preference theory, economic approaches, and life course theory) are briefly summarized. The increase in maternal employment rates in most European countries, and the extent to which this increase has been related to growth in part‐time and marginal employment, are also discussed. In studying the dynamics of the employment behavior of mothers, empirical researchers have mainly looked at the amount of time it takes for women to return to work after childbirth. While these studies often capture only a snapshot of the life course—namely, the period between childbirth and labor market reentry—new approaches (so‐called sequence analyses) that map the lifetime employment patterns of women have been developed. The analysis of the employment patterns of fathers is an emerging field of research as well. However, little is known so far about how fatherhood affects men's lifetime employment patterns, and how paternal employment varies in different cultural and social policy contexts.
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Identifier
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etrds0210
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extracted text
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Maternal and Paternal Employment
across the Life Course
MICHAELA KREYENFELD
Abstract
This essay provides a condensed summary of major findings in trends in maternal
and paternal employment patterns. Key theoretical concepts (such as cultural
approaches, welfare state approaches, preference theory, economic approaches, and
life course theory) are briefly summarized. The increase in maternal employment
rates in most European countries, and the extent to which this increase has been
related to growth in part-time and marginal employment, are also discussed.
In studying the dynamics of the employment behavior of mothers, empirical
researchers have mainly looked at the amount of time it takes for women to return
to work after childbirth. While these studies often capture only a snapshot of the
life course—namely, the period between childbirth and labor market reentry—new
approaches (so-called sequence analyses) that map the lifetime employment
patterns of women have been developed. The analysis of the employment patterns
of fathers is an emerging field of research as well. However, little is known so
far about how fatherhood affects men’s lifetime employment patterns, and how
paternal employment varies in different cultural and social policy contexts.
INTRODUCTION
In recent decades, most industrialized countries have witnessed significant
increases in women’s educational and labor market participation levels.
Women have reached parity in terms of formal education, and in some
countries women are now more likely than men to receive a high school
degree. Women no longer retreat from the labor market after they marry,
and they return to the labor market more quickly after having a child than
they did in previous decades (OECD, 2011, 2012). The traditional “male
breadwinner–female housewife model” seems to have vanished from the
scene, both as a household arrangement as well as an ideal to strive for. In
tandem with these changes, we have witnessed radical shifts in attitudes
about maternal employment and men’s engagement in housework and
childrearing. Opinion polls regularly show that attitudes about mothers’
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Edited by Robert Scott and Stephen Kosslyn.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 978-1-118-90077-2.
1
2
EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
employment have become more liberal (Scott, 1999). There is also general
agreement that the image of fatherhood has undergone radical changes, with
men now being expected by society to become “involved fathers” (Coltrane,
2009; Goldscheider, Bernhardt, & Lappegård, 2014; Hobson & Fahlén, 2009;
Yeung, Sandberg, Davis-Kean, & Hofferth, 2001). These behavioral and
attitudinal changes have been buttressed by an array of family-friendly
policies, such as the expansion of public day care, and the introduction of
parental leave regulations that help parents to combine work and family life.
Despite these significant behavioral, attitudinal, and policy changes, male
and female employment patterns have not converged. While men have
continued to strive for full-time employment, the increase in women’s
employment rates in most countries has largely been attributable to
growth in marginal and part-time employment. Against this background,
Hochschild and Machung (1989) concluded that the gender revolution has
“stalled.” In a similar vein, Esping-Andersen (1999, 2009) has diagnosed an
“incomplete revolution.”
This essay summarizes key empirical findings on developments in the
employment patterns of men and women with children. Variations in
parental employment patterns across different strata of the population,
between countries, and over time are discussed. In addition, the study looks
at the methodological challenges associated with mapping the employment
patterns of mothers and fathers across the life course. Furthermore, the
roles played by cultural norms and social policies in shaping employment
patterns are examined.
FOUNDATIONAL RESEARCH
Comparative welfare state research has highlighted the importance of
the policy context for understanding differences between countries in
women’s employment patterns. The work of Gøsta Esping-Andersen has
been central to this area of research. Esping-Andersen generated a typology
of welfare states in which countries are distinguished by their degree of
de-familialization; that is, by the extent to which a country’s social policies
“free” women from care obligations (Esping-Andersen, 1999). His typology
includes three different clusters:
•
The social democratic welfare states (Nordic countries of Europe) which
“free” women from childrearing tasks by supporting the compatibility
of childrearing and employment through for example, the provision of
public day care.
Maternal and Paternal Employment across the Life Course
•
•
3
The conservative corporatist welfare states (Continental Europe) where
public day care is scare and social policy regulations (such as tax laws)
favor the male breadwinner–female housekeeper model.
The liberal welfare states (with the United Kingdom being the only European country that is grouped into this category) where little public day
care is available. Whether parents are able to combine work and family
life is subject to market forces (i.e., private day care arrangements).
Esping-Andersen’s typology has been refined, that is, by grouping the
Mediterranean countries into a separate category, frequently labeled as
the “rudimentary welfare state” (Pierson, 1998). Furthermore, alternative
concepts have been generated by feminist sociologists, such as Jane Lewis
(1992), who criticized that the gender dimension of care work has not fully
been conceptualized in most of the early work of Esping-Andersen. Welfare
state typologies are based on the premise that social policies evolve path
dependently, that is, a country’s social policy context is expected to evolve
step by step. Furthermore, welfare state typologies rely on the assumption
that the social policy context of a country can be meaningfully categorized
into different clusters, and that these clusters are associated with women’s
employment patterns and gender role behavior.
Cultural approaches highlight the role of societal norms in guiding the
employment behavior of men and women. Not economic constraints or
social policies, but societal norms regarding the “appropriate” behavior of mothers and fathers are expected to be the key determinants of
country-specific employment patterns. These societal norms include, for
example, attitudes towards the employment of mothers of young children,
the usage of public care and the acceptability of parental leave usage among
men. Cultural approaches differ in how they see the interplay of social
policies, economic constraints and cultural contexts. Some scholars, such as
Duncan, Edwards, Reynolds, & Alldred, 2003, have argued that economic
constraints and social policy regulations are “subordinate” and “secondary”
for understanding behavioral choices. Others, such as Pfau-Effinger (2012),
have asserted that social policies tend to reflect the prevalent norms and
attitudes in a society. More nuanced approaches have studied the interplay
of social policies and cultural contexts (Kremer, 2007). This type of research
seeks to answer several questions: for example, under what conditions do
cultural concepts influence policy making, and under what circumstances
are social policies unlikely to change despite significant attitudinal shifts in
a society?
A concept that stands apart from the above-mentioned approaches is the
“preference theory” developed by Hakim (2000, 2004, 2007). The core idea of
Hakim’s framework is that there is individual heterogeneity in the lifestyle
4
EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
preferences of women. She argued that women’s employment choices are
determined not by societal norms or institutional constraints, but by individual preferences. Hakim identified three clusters of lifestyle preferences
among women: adaptive, work-centered, and home-centered. She asserted
that work-centered women will continue to be a minority group, and they
will be outnumbered by adaptive women. Adaptive women give equal
priority to work and family goals, and attempt to resolve the family–work
conflict by opting for part-time employment. Hakim further argued that
there is a homogeneous preference structure for men, who uniformly strive
for full-time employment. According to this concept, gender differences in
lifetime employment patterns are genuinely predetermined by the different
preference structures of men and women. Hakim’s concept has sparked a
lively debate. One of the main criticisms has been that preference theory
does not elaborate on the evolution of preferences, and disregards that
preferences and employment patterns may be adjusted over the life course
(Hobson & Fahlén, 2009, p. 218). Hakim has furthermore been accused of
ignoring the normative and structural constraints that women and men are
exposed to when they make employment decisions (McRae, 2003). Another
criticism has been that Hakim assumes that women have a heterogeneous
preference structure, and that men make up a homogeneous cluster of
individuals who uniformly strive for full-time employment. Despite these
criticisms, the lively debate about Hakim’s concept may be indicative of
a weakness in previous approaches, which did not adequately address
differences in employment patterns across a population.
Economic approaches tend to focus on individual variations in employment behavior. According to these approaches, a person’s human capital
endowment, particularly his or her educational attainment, explain his
or her employment choices (Mincer, 1974). While the classical economic
approach viewed employment decisions as individual choices, the New
Household Economics approach noted that employment decisions are made
within a household context (Schultz, 1974). A standard hypothesis that
can be derived from this framework is that the person with the highest
expected wage rate will work, while the person with the lowest market
wage will take care of the children. In principle, the theory leaves open
the question of whether the woman or the man will be responsible for the
housework and childcare. However, in the seminal work “Treatise on the
Family,” the noble price winner Gary Becker (1993, pp. 37–38) argued that
a gendered division of labor eventually emerges because women “have a
heavy biological commitment to the production and feeding of children” while men
“have been less biologically committed to the care of children.” This concept is at
the center of an ongoing discussion among sociologists in which economists
have been accused of making simplistic assumptions, and of ignoring
Maternal and Paternal Employment across the Life Course
5
the culturally embedded nature of employment decisions (Brines, 1994;
Duncan & Edwards, 1997; Duncan et al., 2003). Economists themselves have
challenged the assumption of New Home Economics that all households
have a joint utility function; that is, that they have the same interests (Ott,
1995). Nevertheless, economic approaches have continued to influence
micro-level research in the fields of economics, sociology, and demography;
particularly because they provide testable hypotheses on the roles played
by education and policy changes in employment behavior.
The abovementioned approaches focus on behavior across countries or
across different strata of the population. Life course sociology additionally
conceptualizes employment choices as life course decisions (Elder, 1985;
Mortimer & Shanahan, 2003). These approaches, for example, highlight
the fact that prior life course experiences (such as unemployment at labor
market entry) may influence employment patterns in later life. Furthermore,
these approaches focus on “interdependencies” across the life course, which
implies that decisions in the employment career may be influenced by
experiences in other domains of the life course (e.g., Budig, 2003). Sociological life course approaches also stress that welfare state policies may
structure lifetime employment patterns and the sequences of life course
events (Mayer, 2009; Mayer & Schoepflin, 1989). For example, parental leave
policies will impact the duration it takes that women or men interrupt their
employment, which will also show up in different employment patterns
across the life course.
KEY EMPIRICAL FINDINGS
There is a large body of empirical research that deals with women’s employment behavior and attitudes toward maternal work. Many of these empirical
studies have addressed variations in employment patterns across countries
(e.g., Scott, 1999; van der Lippe & van Dijk, 2002). These studies have consistently shown that while women’s employment rates have increased in most
industrialized countries over time, substantial country variations persist. In
many countries, the increase in female employment rates has been mainly
due to an influx of women working marginally or part-time only (Blossfeld & Hofmeister, 2006; Haas, Steiber, Hartel, & Wallace, 2006; Hakim, 2000;
Lewis, Campbell, & Huerta, 2008; OECD, 2011; Thévenon & Horko, 2009).
The share of mothers in full-time employment has increased in only a few
countries, such as the United States and the Nordic countries of Europe. In
other countries, such as Germany, there has been an increase in the share of
mothers working part-time, but this growth has been offset by a reduction
in the share of mothers in full-time employment (Konietzka & Kreyenfeld,
2010; Thévenon & Horko, 2009).
6
EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
Table 1
Employment Rates in Selected European Countries in the Year
2011, Men and Women Aged 20–49 with Children
Employment Rate
Females
Males
Belgium
Bulgaria
Croatia
Czech Republic
Denmark
Germany
Ireland
Greece
Spain
France
Italy
Hungary
The Netherlands
Austria
Poland
Portugal
Romania
Slovenia
Slovakia
Finland
Sweden
United Kingdom
73.2
67.6
65.3
67.6
82.5
72.3
59.9
50.9
57.0
73.0
53.6
61.2
76.6
78.2
68.8
73.3
66.5
80.4
63.8
73.1
82.7
68.3
88.7
77.3
77.3
93.4
91.5
92.3
75.9
79.6
74.7
88.9
84.0
81.9
93.4
92.7
87.4
82.5
83.4
90.6
86.0
90.3
92.9
88.8
% Part-time Employed
Females
Males
45.6
2.3
4.8
10.3
28.7
64.0
39.0
13.4
31.2
36.2
39.5
9.9
85.6
62.3
9.3
10.5
7.9
9.1
6.0
13.9
37.5
53.0
5.8
1.8
3.3
0.9
4.6
6.1
10.0
4.5
6.8
4.5
5.8
2.9
13.8
6.2
2.3
4.9
7.4
3.2
2.7
2.9
7.8
7.1
Source: Eurostat 2013 (data extract “lfst_hhptety” and “lfst_hheredty” 26-5-2014)
Note: The distinction between full-time and part-time work is based on self-reported classification.
Exceptions are the Netherlands, Iceland and Norway where part-time is defined as 35 hours or less.
As can be depicted from Table 1, employment rates of mothers vary
radically between European countries. In some countries, such as Sweden,
Slovenia, and Denmark, female and male employment rates have almost
reached parity. In other countries, particularly in Greece and Italy, large
differences prevail. Most remarkable are the strong variations in the share
of fathers and mothers working part-time. Paternal part-time employment
is rare across Europe, with the exception of the Netherlands which is
renounced for its flexible working-time regulations. Austria, Germany, the
Netherlands, and the United Kingdom are the countries with the highest
share of part-time employment mothers. More than half of all employed
mothers work on a part-time basis in these countries. Nordic counties show
an intermediate level in respect to maternal part-time employment. In the
post-socialist countries, part-time employment is comparatively uncommon.
Maternal and Paternal Employment across the Life Course
7
Many of the micro-level studies on female employment have looked at the
amount of time it takes for mothers to return to work after having a child.
These studies have repeatedly found that less educated women are less likely
to be employed when they have a child, and that those who are employed
tend to take longer to return to work than more highly educated women.
The role of policies, particularly changes in parental leave durations, has also
been a key issue in studies on women’s patterns in returning to work after
childbirth (Gangl & Ziefle, 2009; Ondrich, Spieß, & Yang, 1996).
While the employment behavior of mothers has attracted considerable
attention, there is far less research on the employment behavior of fathers.
Empirical studies have investigated the behavior of fathers mainly in terms
of the division of household labor and the involvement of fathers in childrearing tasks (Cabrera & Tamis-LeMonda, 2013; Finch, 2006; Garcia-Mainar,
Molina, & Montuenga, 2011; Hook, 2006, 2012; Hook & Wolfe, 2012; Sayer &
Gornick, 2012; Smith & Williams, 2007). While these studies confirmed that
women continue to be responsible for the lion’s share of childrearing tasks,
they have also provided evidence of real changes in behavior among men.
Time-use surveys have shown that men have increased their engagement
in childrearing over time (Dommermutha & Kitterda, 2009). However, it is
less clear whether fathers have really been willing to sacrifice time at work
to care for their children, or whether the model of the “involved father” has
mainly been practiced on the weekends (Hook & Wolfe, 2012; Yeung et al.,
2001). Most of the studies that have addressed fathers’ employment choices
have been based on data from Scandinavian countries, where there have
been significant increases over time in parental leave uptake rates among
men (Bygren & Duvander, 2006; Haas, Allard, & Hwang, 2002). However, in
other countries as well, the introduction of an income-related parental leave
benefit and a “paternity quota” (a parental leave benefit that is reserved
for fathers) has been associated with significant increases in parental leave
usage among men (Geisler & Kreyenfeld, 2011). Whether these policy
changes and the related increases in parental leave uptake among men have
initiated long-term changes in the care activities performed by fathers is,
however, a question that has so far been unexplored.
CUTTING-EDGE RESEARCH
Most of the very early work on maternal employment patterns was based
on cross-sectional data. Since the development of event history methods in
the 1980s, researchers have increasingly used longitudinal data to investigate female employment patterns. Event history methods have allowed
researchers to adopt a dynamic view of employment patterns when studying
the amount of time it takes for women return to work after having a child
8
EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
(Gangl & Ziefle, 2009; Ondrich et al., 1996). However, the scope of this
type of research has remained limited. Most studies have analyzed only a
snapshot of the life course, namely, the duration between childbirth and
labor market reentry. The complexity of women’s work patterns, including
transitions between full- and part-time employment and to different work
arrangements over the life course, cannot be satisfactorily conceptualized
using these approaches. Recent studies based on sequence analysis have
tried to overcome these limitations by taking a comprehensive view of the
employment patterns of women over the life course. Instead of focusing on
a single event (such as the return to work after childbirth), sequence analysis
employs for example, graphical means to map employment patterns across
the entire life course (e.g., Simonson, Gordo, & Titova, 2011).
While many studies have examined maternal employment patterns,
both across countries and across the life course, so far there have been
few attempts to use longitudinal data to investigate the impact of having
children on the lifetime employment patterns of fathers (exceptions are e.g.,
the studies by Eggebeen & Knoester, 2001; Keizer, Dykstra, & Poortman,
2010; Knoester & Eggebeen, 2006). Cross-sectional data show that fathers
work longer hours than childless men (Dommermutha & Kitterda, 2009;
Koslowski, 2011). This may indicate that men increase their employment
activity after they have become fathers, but it may also indicate that childless
men display different behavioral patterns than men with children. In order
to sort out the causal influence that children have on paternal behavior, it is
necessary to study the employment patterns of fathers over the life course.
Studies of this kind are still rare, but they are important for understanding
paternal behavior. The few existing longitudinal studies have suggested that
cross-sectional studies have radically overestimated the work commitments
of fathers. While men, unlike women, do not appear to reduce their working
hours after having children, there is also no evidence that fatherhood results
in radical increases in working hours (Knoester & Eggebeen, 2006). The
development of employment among fathers over the life course and the
responsiveness of these employment patterns to policy and normative
contexts remain important topics for future research.
KEY ISSUES FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
Welfare state research has provided a powerful and useful conceptual framework for understanding country variations in maternal employment patterns and gender roles. It has shown that social policies play a pivotal role
in variations in female employment, and it has served as a handy concept
for comparative research. However, this categorization of policy contexts has
increasingly been challenged as oversimplified, paying too little attention to
Maternal and Paternal Employment across the Life Course
9
the differences between countries of the same clusters (Arts & Gelissen, 2002).
Furthermore, the idea of the path-dependent development of welfare states
is being challenged by recent family policy reforms. The “Swedish-style”
parental leave system, which had previously typified the social democratic
welfare states, has recently been introduced into classical conservative welfare state regimes such as Germany. Policy reforms of this kind expose the
limitations of welfare state typologies, and call for the development of new
concepts that can help us better understand the relationship between institutional contexts and parental employment patterns.
Most of the comparative studies on maternal employment have focused on
Western European countries. In this literature, it is frequently asserted that
the “dual worker model” will gradually replace more traditional arrangements. The fact that mothers regularly worked full-time under socialist
regimes is hardly mentioned in most of the comparative literature. Since the
demise of the socialist systems, a gradual decline in full-time employment
rates among mothers has been observed in many of the countries of Central
and Eastern Europe (Pascall & Manning, 2000; Schmitt & Trappe, 2010).
This development constitutes a deviation from patterns found in Western
countries, where maternal employment rates have uniformly increased
over time. It shows that the pendulum may swing backwards toward more
traditional behavioral patterns. How this retraditionalization is related to
changing social policy contexts, economic constraints, and deeply rooted
normative concepts is an important question that needs to be explored
further in future research.
In the past, fathers’ employment choices have often been conceptualized
as representing a tension between being a “provider” and an “involved
father” (Kaufman & Uhlenberg, 2000). This dichotomy has been challenged
by recent empirical evidence, which shows that the correlation between
being an involved father and the number of working hours is much looser
than initially expected (Koslowski, 2011; Pailhé & Solaz, 2008). We still
know very little about the choices men make as they try to balance work
and family demands (Hobson & Fahlén, 2009). Likewise, there is very little
cross-national research on how social policies affect fathers’ employment
strategies.
In recent years, most governments have introduced initiatives to support
parental employment by expanding public day care for children. Some
governments have adopted “proactive” policies, such as the paternity quota,
to influence fathers’ behavior more directly (O’Brien, 2009). At the same
time, benefits that favored the male breadwinner model have been curtailed
in some countries (Annesley, 2007). Other countries have retained their
measures that favor the traditional male breadwinner–female housekeeper
model. Researchers have claimed that these “half-hearted” reforms may
10
EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
result in polarized behavior among women. While highly educated women
may take advantage of new policies designed to make it easier to combine
work and family, less educated women may be less responsive to these
policy measures. As a result, maternal employment patterns may become
increasingly bifurcated (Konietzka & Kreyenfeld, 2010; Thévenon & Horko,
2009). The worsening of the labor market prospects of less educated women
may be aggravating this pattern. Responding adequately to this growing
divide in maternal employment patterns will be an important challenge for
policy makers in the coming years (Daly, 2011).
SUMMARY
It is generally accepted that maternal employment rates have increased
in developed countries in recent years, and that this trend has not been
accompanied by similar changes in paternal behavior. While women moved
into the labor market in large numbers, no equivalent shifts in men’s
employment rates were recorded. Furthermore, a closer examination of
maternal employment rates reveals that this increase was mainly attributable
to growth in rates of part-time and marginal employment. Thus, predictions
that men’s and women’s employment patterns and working hours would
eventually converge have not yet been realized. However, the conclusion
that the gender revolution has been “incomplete” (Esping-Andersen, 2009)
or has “stalled” (Hochschild & Machung, 1989) may be premature. There
is consistent empirical evidence that societal expectations of “involved”
fatherhood have undergone radical changes over time (Coltrane, 2009; Hobson & Fahlén, 2009; Yeung et al., 2001). While it is true that these normative
claims do not appear to have resulted in a significant reduction in working
hours among fathers, we should acknowledge that we currently know very
little about how fatherhood affects men’s employment choices, and about
the family–work tensions experienced by men.
Past research has been greatly limited by small sample sizes. Because the
numbers of fathers who work part-time or who take parental leave have
been rather low, the share of “involved fathers” has been too small in social
science surveys to conduct a meaningful analysis. So far, studies on fathers’
employment choices and their parental leave uptake rates have mainly been
conducted in Scandinavian countries, where large-scale register data exist.
As the number of fathers taking leave or reducing their working hours
in other European countries grows, opportunities to conduct studies on
employment among fathers over the life course should increase in the coming
years.
Maternal and Paternal Employment across the Life Course
11
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MICHAELA KREYENFELD SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Michaela Kreyenfeld is head of the Research Group “Life Course, Social Policy and the Family” at the Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research
in Rostock (www.demogr.mpg.de) and Professor of Sociology at the Hertie
School of Governance in Berlin (http://www.hertie-school.org/). She was
a visiting scholar at the Center for Policy Research at Syracuse University
(http://www.maxwell.syr.edu/cpr.aspx), the European Centre for Analysis
in the Social Sciences (ECASS) (https://www.iser.essex.ac.uk/archives/
ecass), the Department of Social Policy and Social Work at York University (http://www.york.ac.uk/spsw/) and Stockholm University
(http://www.su.se/english/). Michaela Kreyenfeld is a member of the editorial board of the Journal of Family Research (http://www.zeitschrift-fuerfamilienforschung.de/english/mission.html) and the journal Comparative
Population Studies (http://www.comparativepopulationstudies.de/index.
php/CPoS). Her research activities focus on various themes of family
sociology, such as maternal and paternal employment, economic determinants of fertility dynamics, determinants of nonmarital childbearing,
and the evolution and economic performance of stepfamilies. Most of her
research work has been based on longitudinal data from Germany and other
European countries.
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