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Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age

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Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age
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Adolescent Romantic Relationships
in the Digital Age
RACHEL E. GOLDBERG and MARTA TIENDA

Abstract
This essay summarizes key substantive findings about adolescent romantic relationships, identifying methodological and measurement innovations that have broadened understanding of their precursors and consequences. Research to date has been
limited by narrow definitions of what constitutes a relationship; a focus on specific
behaviors (e.g., sexual activity) to the neglect of relational dynamics; and insufficient
measurement precision to portray fluctuations in the character of involvement and
partnership quality. The final section discusses the implications of mobile technologies for administering intensive longitudinal surveys that are better suited to study
the dynamics and consequences of teen romance in the digital age.

INTRODUCTION
Adolescence is a pivotal developmental period, when health, educational,
social, and behavioral trajectories set in motion during early childhood
are either reified or diverted (Crosnoe & Johnson, 2011). In addition to
the myriad physical and neurological changes that occur during the teen
years, family roles change, time spent with peers increases, and romantic
relationships emerge (Furman & Shaffer, 2003). Despite growing agreement
that romantic partnerships are the dominant source of teenagers’ positive or
negative emotions (Furman, McDunn, & Young, 2008), much early research
either minimized their developmental significance as transitory “puppy
love” or exaggerated the negative aspects by focusing on adverse outcomes
such as depression, delinquent behavior, unprotected sexual intercourse,
and pregnancy (Collins, 2003; Harden, 2014).
Recent scholarship links teen partnering behavior with a broad range of
both salutary and adverse outcomes that include emotional and physical
health, identity formation, educational achievement, career aspirations,
and union stability in adulthood (Collins, Welsh, & Furman, 2009; Meier &
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences.
Robert Scott and Marlis Buchmann (General Editors) with Stephen Kosslyn (Consulting Editor).
© 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 978-1-118-90077-2.

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Allen, 2009). Despite growing consensus that the consequences of adolescent
coupling depend on relationship quality and the social context in which it
emerges and evolves (Collins, 2003; Crosnoe & Johnson, 2011), relatively
few studies explicitly consider how these aspects of teen romance moderate
their psychosocial and health consequences (Giordano, 2003).
Here we summarize key substantive findings about adolescent romantic
relationships, identifying methodological and measurement innovations
that increased understanding of their precursors and consequences. We
argue that research to date has been limited by narrow definitions of
what constitutes a relationship; a focus on allegedly deviant behaviors
(e.g., sexual activity); relative neglect of relational dynamics; and insufficient measurement precision to portray fluctuations in the character of
involvement and partnership quality, or to record flux in other dimensions of adolescents’ lives associated with teens’ coupling behavior. The
final section discusses how mobile technologies afford new opportunities
to learn about the dynamics and consequences of teen romance in the
digital age.
TEEN RELATIONSHIPS: DEFINITIONS
Adolescent romantic relationships allegedly differ from those of mature
adults in their emotionality, instability, and asymmetry, which complicates
estimates of their prevalence, quality, and developmental significance
(Giordano, 2003). What defines a teen romantic relationship also is poorly
understood because the initial stages are often ambiguous, initially incubated within peer networks (Cavanagh, 2007). A widely cited chapter by
Carver, Joyner, and Udry (2003) estimated that two-thirds of adolescents
aged 12–18 experienced a romantic relationship in the prior 18 months,
with a median duration of 14 months. That over one-quarter of teens could
not remember when their relationship began reveals two challenges in
characterizing teen romantic relationships: recall biases and definitional
ambiguities. Youth surveys that ask about “special” or reciprocated partnerships seldom capture emergent relationships or movement between states
(Collins et al., 2009). Moreover, relationships that appear as enduring or
stably dissolved in cross-sectional measurement may be “on/off” in nature
(Halpern-Meekin, Manning, Giordano, & Longmore, 2013). This implies
that both cross-sectional and longitudinal measurements separated by wide
intervals will understate their prevalence. The lack of standard operational
definitions of adolescent romantic relationships results in varying estimates
of prevalence, duration, and consequences, and also limits researchers’
ability to characterize how adolescent partnerships emerge, progress,
and end.

Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age

Emergence

Evolution

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Dissolution

Dating
Crush

No pursuit
or rejection

Talking/
flirting

No pursuit

Casual
partner/
“Friend with
Benefits”

Dissolve
partnership

Figure 1 Conceptual schema of adolescent relationships.

Figure 1 presents a stylized scheme of adolescent romantic relationships
that distinguishes asymmetrical attractions (crushes); explicitly acknowledges variations in partnership type and seriousness; and allows for
bidirectional flux between dating and dissolution states. Importantly, the
framework represents an important theoretical distinction between “romantic relationships,” which are reciprocated, and “romantic experiences,”
which include hook-ups and unrequited attractions (Collins et al., 2009).
Most studies recognize fully formed partnerships, and some also acknowledge “casual” or “non-relationship” sexual activity (Manning, Longmore,
& Giordano, 2005), but surveys rarely inquire about emergent (“flirting” or
“talking”) or aspirational (crushes) relationships. Described as an extension
of the screening process, “talking” is key to emerging emotional attachments (Bergdall et al., 2012), but is seldom measured by studies focused on
established partnerships. That crushes are largely ignored has precluded
study of links between emergent and aspirational relationships and myriad
psychosocial outcomes. For example, unreciprocated feelings are presumed
to trigger negative affect, but relatively little is known about their impact
on other outcomes, including long-term capacity for establishing emotional
bonds (Furman et al., 2008).
In addition to their limitations for characterizing the nature of romantic
involvement, youth surveys rarely collect information on the relational
dynamics and emotional content of teen partnerships. Temporal information
about conflict, abuse, support, emotional intimacy, and power asymmetries
is essential to judge the developmental significance of adolescents’ romantic
relationships, yet is rarely collected (Collins, 2003). The Toledo Adolescent
Relationship Study (TARS) is a notable exception (Giordano, 2003); however,
like most periodic longitudinal studies of youth, the long interwave intervals
cannot capture temporal fluctuations in relationship quality even within
enduring partnerships. As elaborated below, the lack of information on

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temporally ordered changes in the partner dynamics and emotional content
of teen relationships precludes causal assessments of their developmental
and psychosocial significance.
DEVELOPMENTAL SALIENCE OF TEEN ROMANTIC RELATIONSHIPS
Attachment theory, the dominant theoretical perspective guiding studies
of adolescent relationships, posits an association between secure emotional
bonds experienced early in life and success in forming subsequent relationships (Giordano, 2003). Although reasonable on its face, attachment theories
largely eschew variations in subjective meanings of interpersonal ties that
depend on relationship context and quality, including the occurrence and
timing of events that disrupt primary or secondary emotional bonds (Collins
et al., 2009; Elder, 1998). Also contestable are assumptions that emotional
bonds are necessarily developmentally prosocial, and a focus on individuals
to the neglect of broader social influences (Giordano, 2003).
Crosnoe and Johnson (2011) urge more holistic views of overlapping
relationships among family members, peers, and partners. In fact, a growing
body of scholarship shows substantial carry-over from aspects of teens’
lives outside of the romantic realm, such as their family relationships and
friendships, into their romantic experiences (Cavanagh, Crissey, & Raley,
2008; Furman & Shaffer, 2003). Based on extensive evidence that the capacity
for intimacy in adulthood evolves from earlier interpersonal experiences
that accumulate across childhood and adolescence (Rauer, Pettit, Lansford,
Bates, & Dodge, 2013; Roisman, Booth-LaForce, Cauffman, & Spieker, 2008),
Crosnoe and Johnson (2011, p. 451) recommend “looking back to childhood
and looking forward to adulthood” and critically examining both the quality
of relationships and the context within which they occur.
Figure 2 provides a conceptual framework that identifies several childhood
and adolescent experiences associated with adolescents’ romantic attachments and several of the most commonly evaluated short- and long-term
outcomes linked to teen romantic partnerships, including the capacity to
form healthy adult unions (Meier & Allen, 2009; Raley, Crissey, & Muller,
2007). We use this framework to characterize insights about the contours
and quality of teen partnerships; to organize our review of recent literature
about the precursors and consequences of teen romance; and to identify
existing gaps requiring further research.
DEVELOPMENTAL SALIENCE OF RELATIONSHIP QUALITY AND STABILITY
Adolescent romantic relationships are a central component of normative
adolescent development because they provide a foundation for interim

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Precursors

Early and middle childhood:
Parenting quality/family instability
Parent relationship quality
Peer competence
Child behavioral/emotional problems
Socioeconomic status
School attachment/aspirations

Consequences

Relationship type
and quality
Adolescent:
Family support and monitoring
Family instability
Peer support and friend characteristics
Household shocks
School attachment/aspirations
Emotional wellbeing

Adolescent outcomes:
Sexual behavior
Pregnancy
School performance
Mental health

Adult
relationship
quality

Potential moderators:
Family functioning
Friend support

Figure 2 Conceptual model of precursors and consequences of adolescent
romantic relationships.

and long-term emotional attachments (Meier & Allen, 2009; Raley et al.,
2007). Early studies of teen partnerships focused on adverse outcomes,
such as sexual risk behavior and depression (Davila, 2008), which produced
uneven knowledge of the factors that predispose some teens to romantic and
sexual experiences that compromise their emotional and physical health,
while others form partnerships conducive to positive development (Collins,
2003; Giordano, 2003). That initial scholarship on teen sexual activity was
framed within a risk paradigm deflected attention from its developmentally
normative aspects. As adolescent sexual behavior has become statistically
normative, however, researchers seek to identify relationship qualities
conducive to healthy attachments, sexual self-efficacy, and physical health
(Harden, 2014).
The empirical base establishing positive links between teen romance and
prosocial outcomes, such as sexual satisfaction, positive self-esteem, social
competence, and identity development, is thinner than that for problem
behaviors and depression (Collins, 2003; Collins et al., 2009). Nonetheless,
caring and supportive teen relationships may foster short-term emotional
well-being, but also can undermine youth development over the long run
if the romance distracts from academic activities, or if emotional intimacy
results in pregnancy (Giordano, Phelps, Manning, & Longmore, 2008;
Manning, Flanigan, Giordano, & Longmore, 2009).
There is growing consensus that the health and developmental benefits
from adolescents’ partnerships depend on the timing and nature of the relationship (including its quality and stability); on partner characteristics; and
on the social context in which the relationship occurs (Collins et al., 2009;

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Crosnoe & Johnson, 2011; Furman & Shaffer, 2003; Harden, 2014). Whether
and how much observed associations between adolescent relationship quality and developmental outcomes reflect static relationship characteristics or
changes in relationship content and quality is largely unknown. This research
gap persists because few youth surveys record the relational content and
dynamics of teen romantic relationships with sufficient temporal precision to
establish causal links (Collins et al., 2009; Meier & Allen, 2009). The TARS is
notable for measuring relational dynamics at several intervals separated by
1–5 years. TARS researchers established associations between relationship
quality and several behavioral outcomes, including sexual behavior, contraceptive use, and intimate partner violence (IPV) (Giordano, Manning, &
Longmore, 2010a; Giordano, Soto, Manning, & Longmore, 2010b; Manning
et al., 2009).
Nevertheless, even the TARS data lack the measurement precision needed
to causally link within-couple changes in relationship quality to changes in
physical and emotional well-being. For example, cross-sectional analyses
reveal that both positive (e.g., love, enmeshment) and negative (e.g., conflict,
power asymmetries) relationship attributes are associated with inconsistent
condom use (Manning et al., 2009). That measurement of contraceptive use
is seldom temporally aligned with shifts in relationship quality precludes
establishing causal links. Break-ups are a consistently strong predictor
of depression (Furman & Shaffer, 2003), but the intensity of reaction to
relationship dissolution varies appreciably for reasons not well understood.
Most studies linking adolescent romance to depressive symptoms use
cross-sectional or periodic longitudinal designs, which offer limited insight
into the underlying causal mechanisms and order of causality (Davila,
2008)—namely, under what circumstances depression triggers relationship
dissolution versus when splits foster depression.
PRECURSORS OF TEEN RELATIONSHIP DYNAMICS
Life course theory indicates that the developmental salience of events
depends on the age at which they occur (Elder, 1998). During early childhood, when development is most rapid and family dominates children’s
social interactions, adverse experiences, such as family disruption or IPV
between parents, may be more consequential than later exposure to these
events (Nurius, Logan-Greene, & Green, 2012). Alternatively, if exposures to
negative circumstances occur early in the life course and do not recur, children may have time to recover before adolescence (Heard, 2007). Prolonged
or repeated exposures to adverse childhood experiences may also impact the
timing and quality of adolescent partnerships (Masten et al., 2005; Nurius
et al., 2012).

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Despite general agreement that teens’ childhood experiences influence
their capacity to form quality romantic attachments, there is less agreement about the particular family and early life circumstances conducive
to healthy versus problematic teen partnerships. Some studies suggest
possible intergenerational continuities between parents’ and adolescents’
relationship quality as measured by stability, supportiveness, and conflict
(Amato, 1996; Cavanagh et al., 2008; Cui, Durtschi, Donnellan, Lorenz, &
Conger, 2010). Most inferences are tentative, however, owing to extensive
reliance on local samples with limited external validity and reliance on weak
measures (usually retrospective reports) of parent relationship quality (Stith
et al., 2000).
Several studies established associations between parent–child connectedness (e.g., parental support, closeness, and warmth) and reduced
likelihood of risky sexual behavior (Miller, Benson, & Galbraith, 2001).
Roisman et al. (2008) find that high quality maternal parenting during
childhood and adolescence lowers the likelihood of forming romantic
relationships in early adolescence and raises the likelihood of forming
high quality romantic attachment among those in relationships. Several
studies also reveal links between family structure and family instability
and teen romantic and sexual behavior (Cavanagh et al., 2008; Fomby,
Mollborn, & Sennott, 2010). Teen romance can potentially compensate for
dysfunctional family dynamics; however, low quality partnerships also
may concentrate disadvantages (Crosnoe & Johnson, 2011). Giordano (2003)
and other experts identify the need to specify the carry-over processes
linking teens’ family relationships, peer networks, and school experiences
with their romantic partnerships (Cavanagh, 2007; Furman & Shaffer,
2003).
As elaborated below, because most studies of adolescents rely on retrospective measures of childhood behavioral and emotional issues, family
functioning, parental relationships, and early school experiences, causal
links between childhood experiences and adolescent outcomes, including
romantic and intimate experiences, have not been established. Identification
of sensitive periods during childhood when family, peer, and school experiences are particularly consequential for teens’ ability to form stable, healthy
emotional attachments has also been limited by retrospective childhood
reports.
NEW RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
Much has changed since participants in the most prominent U.S. longitudinal studies of youth were adolescents in the mid-1990s. Two of the
most notable are changes in the demographic composition of the youth

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population and the explosion of social media and mobile technology, which
altered teens’ communication behaviors (Lenhart, Anderson, & Smith, 2015;
Madden, Lenhart, Duggan, Cortesi, & Gasser, 2013). Both developments
have important implications for future research on adolescent romance,
including opportunities to reconcile discrepant findings and survey methods
that better capture relationship flux.
DEMOGRAPHIC VARIATIONS
A robust literature has documented disparities by sex, race, ethnicity, and
nativity in adolescent sexual activity and fertility (Manlove, Steward-Streng,
Peterson, Scott, & Wildsmith, 2013; Santelli, Lowry, Brener, & Robin, 2000).
Far less research has documented variations across population groups in
the partnerships that underlie these behaviors. Similarities and differences
between romantic relationships of sexual minority adolescents and those of
heterosexual adolescents also have been relatively neglected, as have comparisons of cross-national samples (Collins et al., 2009).
Owing to differences in measurement, samples, and outcomes examined,
findings to date about demographic variations are inconsistent. Some studies
claim that non-Hispanic black youth have less intense emotionally intimate
relationships than white youth (Giordano, Manning, & Longmore, 2005;
O’Sullivan, Cheng, Harris, & Brooks-Gunn, 2007), but others find no racial
differences in emotionality or that steady relationships are actually more
common among black youth (Meier & Allen, 2009). Even less is known about
nativity variations, although it appears that first generation adolescents
delay entry to romantic partnerships relative to their native-born counterparts (King & Harris, 2007) and also that sexual onset timing depends
on both immigrant generation and age at migration (Goldberg, Tienda, &
Adserà, 2017).
Empirical evidence about gender differences in teen romance also is mixed.
Several studies suggest that adolescent girls may be more oriented toward
intimacy and commitment than boys (Carver et al., 2003); however, others
claim that relationship emotionality is similar for boys and girls, and that
relationship asymmetries are either trivial or tend to favor girls (Giordano,
Longmore, & Manning, 2006; O’Sullivan et al., 2007). Other studies claim that
young women more often perpetrate IPV than young men (Giordano et al.,
2010b), but owing to differences in samples and research methods, conclusions about gender variation in IPV are inconsistent (Cui et al., 2010).
Further scrutiny of variations in romantic experiences by race/ethnicity,
gender, nativity, and sexual orientation, and in the precursors and consequences of these relationships, is thus warranted. Particularly important
are studies that examine variations not only in sexual behavior and

Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age

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partnership formation, but also in adolescent relationship quality and
stability.
TEEN ROMANCE IN THE DIGITAL AGE
Another important development since the major U.S. longitudinal studies
of youth were launched is the explosion of social media and mobile technology, which some claim has dramatically altered the way teens develop
and maintain relationships (Bergdall et al., 2012; Madden et al., 2013). Taking
advantage of the proliferation of smartphones among teens, researchers have
begun to document how mobile technologies and social media are changing
the way teens initiate, maintain, and dissolve romantic relationships (Duran,
Miller-Ott, & Kelly, 2015).
Recent surveys indicate that although online spaces are not frequently
used by adolescents for meeting romantic partners, they play a major role in
how teens flirt, court, and communicate with potential and current partners
(Lenhart et al., 2015). Teens often use social media to “like,” comment, or
“friend” a crush; furthermore, texting, instant or online messaging, and posting on social network sites facilitates interactions that enable relationship
formation and maintenance, particularly as youth polish their interpersonal
skills (Lenhart et al., 2015; Valkenburg & Peter, 2011). Valkenburg, Sumter,
and Peter (2011) characterize youth’s online disclosure and communication
behavior as rehearsals for offline self-disclosure, which is important for less
confident youth.
The ubiquity of mobile technology among adolescents coupled with
constant access to the Internet and social media poses new risks and
opportunities for teenagers’ romantic and sexual relationships. On the
one hand, online communication platforms afford young people myriad
opportunities for advancing personal identity, self-esteem, and sexual
self-exploration—all key aspects of psychosocial development that can
also fortify romantic partnerships. On the other hand, online platforms
also pose risks that can undermine emotional well-being, including
cyber-bullying, cyber-stalking, and dangerous interactions with strangers
(Valkenburg & Peter, 2011). Teens can also experience abusive or controlling behaviors from current or former romantic partners (Lenhart et al.,
2015). “Sexting” commands media attention when personal harm is disclosed, but its prevalence among teens is unknown (Ahern & Mechling,
2013).
Much more research is needed to better understand how the proliferation of
digital technology has altered adolescents’ coupling behaviors. The sources
of vulnerability suggested above, particularly among youth with poor social
skills, thin friendship networks, and limited romantic experiences, warrant

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further investigation. Understanding the risks and opportunities afforded by
teens’ online behavior also requires systematic information about parental
supervision of teens’ behavior online (Wang, Bianchi, & Raley, 2005).
STRENGTHENING CAUSAL INFERENCE
Two general lines of inquiry remain underdeveloped in research about the
precursors and consequences of adolescent romantic relationships. First,
claims that capacity for intimacy in adolescence and adulthood evolve from
earlier experiences that accumulate across the life course have not been fully
tested because the major studies of youth begin in adolescence and rely on
retrospection for information on earlier life stages. If a major strength of these
surveys is the capacity to link adolescent experiences with adult outcomes,
a major drawback is their limited information about childhood experiences
that are potentially consequential for adolescent relationship experiences.
Research from birth cohort studies following youth into adolescence and
beyond will be vital to identifying causal relationships between childhood
experiences (such as early family functioning) and adolescent partnership
dynamics.
Second, the coarse temporal measurement used in existing study designs
precludes researchers from deciphering causal ordering among the myriad
physical, emotional, and social changes experienced during adolescence
(Furman & Wehner, 1997). Investigating the precursors and consequences
of teen romantic relationships requires a reliable temporal ordering of life
course events, which is challenging because the developmental changes
that define adolescence are temporally proximal to outcomes of interest
and often mutually reinforcing (Collins et al., 2009). Moreover, because adolescent relationships are highly dynamic, often short-lived, and frequently
ambiguous in nature, recall over long periods introduces considerable
reporting error.
INTENSIVE LONGITUDINAL METHODS
Claims that teen relationships are highly dynamic require frequent longitudinal follow-up to capture relationship emergence and evolution. Intensive
longitudinal methods, which involve frequent and repeated measurement
over time, are superior to periodic retrospective data for establishing the timing and sequencing of life events during a life stage characterized by rapid
change (Bolger & Laurenceau, 2013). Intensive longitudinal methods represent a broad family of research designs, including diaries, ecological momentary assessment (EMA), and experience sampling methodology (ESM). Data from
these methods can be used to portray the contours of teen relationships while

Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age

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minimizing retrospection biases, record the evolution of relationships in real
time (Barber, Kusunoki, & Gatny, 2011; Fortenberry et al., 2005), and also capture flux in other dimensions of adolescents’ lives that may be precursors
and/or consequences of teens’ coupling behavior (Bolger, Davis, & Rafaeli,
2003; Collins et al., 2009).
Advances in smartphones and other mobile devices, and their increasing
ubiquity and affordability, enable implementation of intensive longitudinal
methods. Mobile technologies are appealing for conducting research on
youth relationships because, in addition to aligning with teens’ natural
media habits, they (i) facilitate collection of sensitive information with
minimal investigator intrusion; (ii) provide time and cost savings in longitudinal data collection; (iii) maximize participants’ flexibility in response
location and time of day; (iv) permit timely and accurate data retrieval; and
(v) afford possibilities for passive collection of data on location, networks,
and communication patterns via smartphone functionality (Bolger et al.,
2003; Collins et al., 2009). Existing mobile studies of youth tend to focus on
psychological well-being, to target local populations, and to span relatively
short periods (e.g., 1 week) (Shrier, Koren, Aneja, & de Moor, 2010), which
are not well suited to study the emergence and evolution of adolescent
romantic experiences.
For studying teen romantic relationships, intensive longitudinal studies
represent a largely uncharted research frontier, albeit one that promises to
fill major research lacunae about the short-term consequences of adolescent partnering behavior. Still to be settled are numerous questions about
optimal survey frequency, study duration, appropriate uses of smartphone
functionality, and subject recruitment.
CONCLUSION
While much has been learned about adolescent romance in the past several decades, research has been limited by narrow operational definitions,
coarse temporal measurement, retrospective reporting of childhood experiences, and lack of attention to how technologies influence teen romantic
experiences in the digital age. Research designs with prospective data collection in both childhood and adolescence are essential to establish causal links
between the two life stages; to evaluate hypotheses about cascading disadvantages; and to tease out the relative importance of childhood and adolescent precursors of healthy and unhealthy partnering behavior. An ideal
research design would piggyback intensive longitudinal studies with birth
cohort studies, particularly during pivotal periods such as the transition from
childhood to early adolescence (“tween” years); middle adolescence; and the
transition from late adolescence to adulthood. Such designs will help resolve

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inconsistent conclusions about the contours, causes, and consequences of
teen romantic relationships.
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Relationship churning, physical violence, and verbal abuse in young adult relationships. Journal of Marriage and Family, 75(1), 2–12.
Harden, K. P. (2014). A sex-positive framework for research on adolescent sexuality.
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Heard, H. E. (2007). Fathers, mothers, and family structure: Family trajectories, parent gender, and adolescent schooling. Journal of Marriage and Family, 69(2), 435–450.
King, R. B., & Harris, K. M. (2007). Romantic relationships among immigrant adolescents. International Migration Review, 41(2), 344–370.
Lenhart, A., Anderson, M., & Smith, A. (2015). Teens, technology and romantic relationships. http://www.pewinternet.org/2015/10/01/teens-technology-and-romantic
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Teens and technology 2013. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center.
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Manning, W. D., Flanigan, C. M., Giordano, P. C., & Longmore, M. A. (2009). Relationship dynamics and consistency of condom use among adolescents. Perspectives
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Manning, W. D., Longmore, M. A., & Giordano, P. C. (2005). Adolescents’ involvement in non-romantic sexual activity. Social Science Research, 34(2), 384–407.
Masten, A. S., Roisman, G. I., Long, J. D., Burt, K. B., Obradovi´c, J., Riley, J. R., …
Tellegen, A. (2005). Developmental cascades: Linking academic achievement and
externalizing and internalizing symptoms over 20 years. Developmental Psychology,
41(5), 733–746.
Meier, A., & Allen, G. (2009). Romantic relationships from adolescence to young
adulthood: Evidence from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health.
Sociological Quarterly, 50(2), 308–335.
Miller, B. C., Bensen, B., & Galbraith, K. A. (2001). Family relationships and adolescent pregnancy risk: A research synthesis. Developmental Review, 21, 1–38.
Nurius, P. S., Logan-Greene, P., & Green, S. (2012). Adverse childhood experiences
(ACE) within a social disadvantage framework: Distinguishing unique, cumulative, and moderated contributions to adult mental health. Journal of Prevention &
Intervention in the Community, 40(4), 278–290.
O’Sullivan, L. F., Cheng, M. M., Harris, K. M., & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2007). I wanna hold
your hand: The progression of social, romantic and sexual events in adolescent
relationships. Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 39(2), 100–107.
Raley, R. K., Crissey, S., & Muller, C. (2007). Of sex and romance: Late adolescent relationships and young adult union formation. Journal of Marriage and Family, 69(5),
1210–1226.
Rauer, A. J., Pettit, G. S., Lansford, J. E., Bates, J. E., & Dodge, K. A. (2013). Romantic
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Developmental Psychology, 49(11), 2159–2171.
Roisman, G. I., Booth-LaForce, C., Cauffman, E., & Spieker, S. (2008). The developmental significance of adolescent romantic relationships: Parent and peer predictors of engagement and quality at age 15. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 38(10),
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Santelli, J. S., Lowry, R., Brener, N. D., & Robin, L. (2000). The association of sexual
behaviors with socioeconomic status, family structure, and race/ethnicity among
US adolescents. American Journal of Public Health, 90(10), 1582–1588.
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R. P. (2000). The intergenerational transmission of spouse abuse: A meta-analysis.
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integrated model of its attraction, opportunities, and risks. Journal of Adolescent
Health, 48(2), 121–127.
Valkenburg, P. M., Sumter, S. R., & Peter, J. (2011). Gender differences in online and
offline self-disclosure in pre-adolescence and adolescence. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 29(2), 253–269.
Wang, R., Bianchi, S. M., & Raley, S. B. (2005). Teenagers’ internet use and family
rules: A research note. Journal of Marriage and Family, 67(5), 1249–1258.

RACHEL E. GOLDBERG SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Rachel E. Goldberg is assistant professor of sociology at the University of
California, Irvine. She received her PhD in sociology (2012) from Brown University, an MPH (2003) from Columbia University, and was a postdoctoral
research associate at Princeton University from 2012 to 2015. She has research
and policy experience focused on adolescent sexual and reproductive health,
including romantic relationships, and family dynamics, across various countries including the United States, Kenya, South Africa, and the Dominican
Republic. Goldberg serves as co-PI of the mDiary Study of Adolescent Relationships.

MARTA TIENDA SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Marta Tienda is Maurice P. During ’22 professor in demographic studies, professor of sociology and public affairs, and research associate in the Office of
Population Research at Princeton University. She is a Fellow of the American
Academy of Arts and Sciences; the American Academy of Political and Social
Sciences; and the National Academy of Education and past president of the
Population Association of America. Her research interests include immigrant
integration, equity and access to quality education, and successful adolescent development. Tienda serves as co-PI of the mDiary Study of Adolescent
Relationships.

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Adolescent Romantic Relationships
in the Digital Age
RACHEL E. GOLDBERG and MARTA TIENDA

Abstract
This essay summarizes key substantive findings about adolescent romantic relationships, identifying methodological and measurement innovations that have broadened understanding of their precursors and consequences. Research to date has been
limited by narrow definitions of what constitutes a relationship; a focus on specific
behaviors (e.g., sexual activity) to the neglect of relational dynamics; and insufficient
measurement precision to portray fluctuations in the character of involvement and
partnership quality. The final section discusses the implications of mobile technologies for administering intensive longitudinal surveys that are better suited to study
the dynamics and consequences of teen romance in the digital age.

INTRODUCTION
Adolescence is a pivotal developmental period, when health, educational,
social, and behavioral trajectories set in motion during early childhood
are either reified or diverted (Crosnoe & Johnson, 2011). In addition to
the myriad physical and neurological changes that occur during the teen
years, family roles change, time spent with peers increases, and romantic
relationships emerge (Furman & Shaffer, 2003). Despite growing agreement
that romantic partnerships are the dominant source of teenagers’ positive or
negative emotions (Furman, McDunn, & Young, 2008), much early research
either minimized their developmental significance as transitory “puppy
love” or exaggerated the negative aspects by focusing on adverse outcomes
such as depression, delinquent behavior, unprotected sexual intercourse,
and pregnancy (Collins, 2003; Harden, 2014).
Recent scholarship links teen partnering behavior with a broad range of
both salutary and adverse outcomes that include emotional and physical
health, identity formation, educational achievement, career aspirations,
and union stability in adulthood (Collins, Welsh, & Furman, 2009; Meier &
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences.
Robert Scott and Marlis Buchmann (General Editors) with Stephen Kosslyn (Consulting Editor).
© 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 978-1-118-90077-2.

1

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

Allen, 2009). Despite growing consensus that the consequences of adolescent
coupling depend on relationship quality and the social context in which it
emerges and evolves (Collins, 2003; Crosnoe & Johnson, 2011), relatively
few studies explicitly consider how these aspects of teen romance moderate
their psychosocial and health consequences (Giordano, 2003).
Here we summarize key substantive findings about adolescent romantic
relationships, identifying methodological and measurement innovations
that increased understanding of their precursors and consequences. We
argue that research to date has been limited by narrow definitions of
what constitutes a relationship; a focus on allegedly deviant behaviors
(e.g., sexual activity); relative neglect of relational dynamics; and insufficient measurement precision to portray fluctuations in the character of
involvement and partnership quality, or to record flux in other dimensions of adolescents’ lives associated with teens’ coupling behavior. The
final section discusses how mobile technologies afford new opportunities
to learn about the dynamics and consequences of teen romance in the
digital age.
TEEN RELATIONSHIPS: DEFINITIONS
Adolescent romantic relationships allegedly differ from those of mature
adults in their emotionality, instability, and asymmetry, which complicates
estimates of their prevalence, quality, and developmental significance
(Giordano, 2003). What defines a teen romantic relationship also is poorly
understood because the initial stages are often ambiguous, initially incubated within peer networks (Cavanagh, 2007). A widely cited chapter by
Carver, Joyner, and Udry (2003) estimated that two-thirds of adolescents
aged 12–18 experienced a romantic relationship in the prior 18 months,
with a median duration of 14 months. That over one-quarter of teens could
not remember when their relationship began reveals two challenges in
characterizing teen romantic relationships: recall biases and definitional
ambiguities. Youth surveys that ask about “special” or reciprocated partnerships seldom capture emergent relationships or movement between states
(Collins et al., 2009). Moreover, relationships that appear as enduring or
stably dissolved in cross-sectional measurement may be “on/off” in nature
(Halpern-Meekin, Manning, Giordano, & Longmore, 2013). This implies
that both cross-sectional and longitudinal measurements separated by wide
intervals will understate their prevalence. The lack of standard operational
definitions of adolescent romantic relationships results in varying estimates
of prevalence, duration, and consequences, and also limits researchers’
ability to characterize how adolescent partnerships emerge, progress,
and end.

Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age

Emergence

Evolution

3

Dissolution

Dating
Crush

No pursuit
or rejection

Talking/
flirting

No pursuit

Casual
partner/
“Friend with
Benefits”

Dissolve
partnership

Figure 1 Conceptual schema of adolescent relationships.

Figure 1 presents a stylized scheme of adolescent romantic relationships
that distinguishes asymmetrical attractions (crushes); explicitly acknowledges variations in partnership type and seriousness; and allows for
bidirectional flux between dating and dissolution states. Importantly, the
framework represents an important theoretical distinction between “romantic relationships,” which are reciprocated, and “romantic experiences,”
which include hook-ups and unrequited attractions (Collins et al., 2009).
Most studies recognize fully formed partnerships, and some also acknowledge “casual” or “non-relationship” sexual activity (Manning, Longmore,
& Giordano, 2005), but surveys rarely inquire about emergent (“flirting” or
“talking”) or aspirational (crushes) relationships. Described as an extension
of the screening process, “talking” is key to emerging emotional attachments (Bergdall et al., 2012), but is seldom measured by studies focused on
established partnerships. That crushes are largely ignored has precluded
study of links between emergent and aspirational relationships and myriad
psychosocial outcomes. For example, unreciprocated feelings are presumed
to trigger negative affect, but relatively little is known about their impact
on other outcomes, including long-term capacity for establishing emotional
bonds (Furman et al., 2008).
In addition to their limitations for characterizing the nature of romantic
involvement, youth surveys rarely collect information on the relational
dynamics and emotional content of teen partnerships. Temporal information
about conflict, abuse, support, emotional intimacy, and power asymmetries
is essential to judge the developmental significance of adolescents’ romantic
relationships, yet is rarely collected (Collins, 2003). The Toledo Adolescent
Relationship Study (TARS) is a notable exception (Giordano, 2003); however,
like most periodic longitudinal studies of youth, the long interwave intervals
cannot capture temporal fluctuations in relationship quality even within
enduring partnerships. As elaborated below, the lack of information on

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

temporally ordered changes in the partner dynamics and emotional content
of teen relationships precludes causal assessments of their developmental
and psychosocial significance.
DEVELOPMENTAL SALIENCE OF TEEN ROMANTIC RELATIONSHIPS
Attachment theory, the dominant theoretical perspective guiding studies
of adolescent relationships, posits an association between secure emotional
bonds experienced early in life and success in forming subsequent relationships (Giordano, 2003). Although reasonable on its face, attachment theories
largely eschew variations in subjective meanings of interpersonal ties that
depend on relationship context and quality, including the occurrence and
timing of events that disrupt primary or secondary emotional bonds (Collins
et al., 2009; Elder, 1998). Also contestable are assumptions that emotional
bonds are necessarily developmentally prosocial, and a focus on individuals
to the neglect of broader social influences (Giordano, 2003).
Crosnoe and Johnson (2011) urge more holistic views of overlapping
relationships among family members, peers, and partners. In fact, a growing
body of scholarship shows substantial carry-over from aspects of teens’
lives outside of the romantic realm, such as their family relationships and
friendships, into their romantic experiences (Cavanagh, Crissey, & Raley,
2008; Furman & Shaffer, 2003). Based on extensive evidence that the capacity
for intimacy in adulthood evolves from earlier interpersonal experiences
that accumulate across childhood and adolescence (Rauer, Pettit, Lansford,
Bates, & Dodge, 2013; Roisman, Booth-LaForce, Cauffman, & Spieker, 2008),
Crosnoe and Johnson (2011, p. 451) recommend “looking back to childhood
and looking forward to adulthood” and critically examining both the quality
of relationships and the context within which they occur.
Figure 2 provides a conceptual framework that identifies several childhood
and adolescent experiences associated with adolescents’ romantic attachments and several of the most commonly evaluated short- and long-term
outcomes linked to teen romantic partnerships, including the capacity to
form healthy adult unions (Meier & Allen, 2009; Raley, Crissey, & Muller,
2007). We use this framework to characterize insights about the contours
and quality of teen partnerships; to organize our review of recent literature
about the precursors and consequences of teen romance; and to identify
existing gaps requiring further research.
DEVELOPMENTAL SALIENCE OF RELATIONSHIP QUALITY AND STABILITY
Adolescent romantic relationships are a central component of normative
adolescent development because they provide a foundation for interim

Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age

5

Precursors

Early and middle childhood:
Parenting quality/family instability
Parent relationship quality
Peer competence
Child behavioral/emotional problems
Socioeconomic status
School attachment/aspirations

Consequences

Relationship type
and quality
Adolescent:
Family support and monitoring
Family instability
Peer support and friend characteristics
Household shocks
School attachment/aspirations
Emotional wellbeing

Adolescent outcomes:
Sexual behavior
Pregnancy
School performance
Mental health

Adult
relationship
quality

Potential moderators:
Family functioning
Friend support

Figure 2 Conceptual model of precursors and consequences of adolescent
romantic relationships.

and long-term emotional attachments (Meier & Allen, 2009; Raley et al.,
2007). Early studies of teen partnerships focused on adverse outcomes,
such as sexual risk behavior and depression (Davila, 2008), which produced
uneven knowledge of the factors that predispose some teens to romantic and
sexual experiences that compromise their emotional and physical health,
while others form partnerships conducive to positive development (Collins,
2003; Giordano, 2003). That initial scholarship on teen sexual activity was
framed within a risk paradigm deflected attention from its developmentally
normative aspects. As adolescent sexual behavior has become statistically
normative, however, researchers seek to identify relationship qualities
conducive to healthy attachments, sexual self-efficacy, and physical health
(Harden, 2014).
The empirical base establishing positive links between teen romance and
prosocial outcomes, such as sexual satisfaction, positive self-esteem, social
competence, and identity development, is thinner than that for problem
behaviors and depression (Collins, 2003; Collins et al., 2009). Nonetheless,
caring and supportive teen relationships may foster short-term emotional
well-being, but also can undermine youth development over the long run
if the romance distracts from academic activities, or if emotional intimacy
results in pregnancy (Giordano, Phelps, Manning, & Longmore, 2008;
Manning, Flanigan, Giordano, & Longmore, 2009).
There is growing consensus that the health and developmental benefits
from adolescents’ partnerships depend on the timing and nature of the relationship (including its quality and stability); on partner characteristics; and
on the social context in which the relationship occurs (Collins et al., 2009;

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

Crosnoe & Johnson, 2011; Furman & Shaffer, 2003; Harden, 2014). Whether
and how much observed associations between adolescent relationship quality and developmental outcomes reflect static relationship characteristics or
changes in relationship content and quality is largely unknown. This research
gap persists because few youth surveys record the relational content and
dynamics of teen romantic relationships with sufficient temporal precision to
establish causal links (Collins et al., 2009; Meier & Allen, 2009). The TARS is
notable for measuring relational dynamics at several intervals separated by
1–5 years. TARS researchers established associations between relationship
quality and several behavioral outcomes, including sexual behavior, contraceptive use, and intimate partner violence (IPV) (Giordano, Manning, &
Longmore, 2010a; Giordano, Soto, Manning, & Longmore, 2010b; Manning
et al., 2009).
Nevertheless, even the TARS data lack the measurement precision needed
to causally link within-couple changes in relationship quality to changes in
physical and emotional well-being. For example, cross-sectional analyses
reveal that both positive (e.g., love, enmeshment) and negative (e.g., conflict,
power asymmetries) relationship attributes are associated with inconsistent
condom use (Manning et al., 2009). That measurement of contraceptive use
is seldom temporally aligned with shifts in relationship quality precludes
establishing causal links. Break-ups are a consistently strong predictor
of depression (Furman & Shaffer, 2003), but the intensity of reaction to
relationship dissolution varies appreciably for reasons not well understood.
Most studies linking adolescent romance to depressive symptoms use
cross-sectional or periodic longitudinal designs, which offer limited insight
into the underlying causal mechanisms and order of causality (Davila,
2008)—namely, under what circumstances depression triggers relationship
dissolution versus when splits foster depression.
PRECURSORS OF TEEN RELATIONSHIP DYNAMICS
Life course theory indicates that the developmental salience of events
depends on the age at which they occur (Elder, 1998). During early childhood, when development is most rapid and family dominates children’s
social interactions, adverse experiences, such as family disruption or IPV
between parents, may be more consequential than later exposure to these
events (Nurius, Logan-Greene, & Green, 2012). Alternatively, if exposures to
negative circumstances occur early in the life course and do not recur, children may have time to recover before adolescence (Heard, 2007). Prolonged
or repeated exposures to adverse childhood experiences may also impact the
timing and quality of adolescent partnerships (Masten et al., 2005; Nurius
et al., 2012).

Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age

7

Despite general agreement that teens’ childhood experiences influence
their capacity to form quality romantic attachments, there is less agreement about the particular family and early life circumstances conducive
to healthy versus problematic teen partnerships. Some studies suggest
possible intergenerational continuities between parents’ and adolescents’
relationship quality as measured by stability, supportiveness, and conflict
(Amato, 1996; Cavanagh et al., 2008; Cui, Durtschi, Donnellan, Lorenz, &
Conger, 2010). Most inferences are tentative, however, owing to extensive
reliance on local samples with limited external validity and reliance on weak
measures (usually retrospective reports) of parent relationship quality (Stith
et al., 2000).
Several studies established associations between parent–child connectedness (e.g., parental support, closeness, and warmth) and reduced
likelihood of risky sexual behavior (Miller, Benson, & Galbraith, 2001).
Roisman et al. (2008) find that high quality maternal parenting during
childhood and adolescence lowers the likelihood of forming romantic
relationships in early adolescence and raises the likelihood of forming
high quality romantic attachment among those in relationships. Several
studies also reveal links between family structure and family instability
and teen romantic and sexual behavior (Cavanagh et al., 2008; Fomby,
Mollborn, & Sennott, 2010). Teen romance can potentially compensate for
dysfunctional family dynamics; however, low quality partnerships also
may concentrate disadvantages (Crosnoe & Johnson, 2011). Giordano (2003)
and other experts identify the need to specify the carry-over processes
linking teens’ family relationships, peer networks, and school experiences
with their romantic partnerships (Cavanagh, 2007; Furman & Shaffer,
2003).
As elaborated below, because most studies of adolescents rely on retrospective measures of childhood behavioral and emotional issues, family
functioning, parental relationships, and early school experiences, causal
links between childhood experiences and adolescent outcomes, including
romantic and intimate experiences, have not been established. Identification
of sensitive periods during childhood when family, peer, and school experiences are particularly consequential for teens’ ability to form stable, healthy
emotional attachments has also been limited by retrospective childhood
reports.
NEW RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
Much has changed since participants in the most prominent U.S. longitudinal studies of youth were adolescents in the mid-1990s. Two of the
most notable are changes in the demographic composition of the youth

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

population and the explosion of social media and mobile technology, which
altered teens’ communication behaviors (Lenhart, Anderson, & Smith, 2015;
Madden, Lenhart, Duggan, Cortesi, & Gasser, 2013). Both developments
have important implications for future research on adolescent romance,
including opportunities to reconcile discrepant findings and survey methods
that better capture relationship flux.
DEMOGRAPHIC VARIATIONS
A robust literature has documented disparities by sex, race, ethnicity, and
nativity in adolescent sexual activity and fertility (Manlove, Steward-Streng,
Peterson, Scott, & Wildsmith, 2013; Santelli, Lowry, Brener, & Robin, 2000).
Far less research has documented variations across population groups in
the partnerships that underlie these behaviors. Similarities and differences
between romantic relationships of sexual minority adolescents and those of
heterosexual adolescents also have been relatively neglected, as have comparisons of cross-national samples (Collins et al., 2009).
Owing to differences in measurement, samples, and outcomes examined,
findings to date about demographic variations are inconsistent. Some studies
claim that non-Hispanic black youth have less intense emotionally intimate
relationships than white youth (Giordano, Manning, & Longmore, 2005;
O’Sullivan, Cheng, Harris, & Brooks-Gunn, 2007), but others find no racial
differences in emotionality or that steady relationships are actually more
common among black youth (Meier & Allen, 2009). Even less is known about
nativity variations, although it appears that first generation adolescents
delay entry to romantic partnerships relative to their native-born counterparts (King & Harris, 2007) and also that sexual onset timing depends
on both immigrant generation and age at migration (Goldberg, Tienda, &
Adserà, 2017).
Empirical evidence about gender differences in teen romance also is mixed.
Several studies suggest that adolescent girls may be more oriented toward
intimacy and commitment than boys (Carver et al., 2003); however, others
claim that relationship emotionality is similar for boys and girls, and that
relationship asymmetries are either trivial or tend to favor girls (Giordano,
Longmore, & Manning, 2006; O’Sullivan et al., 2007). Other studies claim that
young women more often perpetrate IPV than young men (Giordano et al.,
2010b), but owing to differences in samples and research methods, conclusions about gender variation in IPV are inconsistent (Cui et al., 2010).
Further scrutiny of variations in romantic experiences by race/ethnicity,
gender, nativity, and sexual orientation, and in the precursors and consequences of these relationships, is thus warranted. Particularly important
are studies that examine variations not only in sexual behavior and

Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age

9

partnership formation, but also in adolescent relationship quality and
stability.
TEEN ROMANCE IN THE DIGITAL AGE
Another important development since the major U.S. longitudinal studies
of youth were launched is the explosion of social media and mobile technology, which some claim has dramatically altered the way teens develop
and maintain relationships (Bergdall et al., 2012; Madden et al., 2013). Taking
advantage of the proliferation of smartphones among teens, researchers have
begun to document how mobile technologies and social media are changing
the way teens initiate, maintain, and dissolve romantic relationships (Duran,
Miller-Ott, & Kelly, 2015).
Recent surveys indicate that although online spaces are not frequently
used by adolescents for meeting romantic partners, they play a major role in
how teens flirt, court, and communicate with potential and current partners
(Lenhart et al., 2015). Teens often use social media to “like,” comment, or
“friend” a crush; furthermore, texting, instant or online messaging, and posting on social network sites facilitates interactions that enable relationship
formation and maintenance, particularly as youth polish their interpersonal
skills (Lenhart et al., 2015; Valkenburg & Peter, 2011). Valkenburg, Sumter,
and Peter (2011) characterize youth’s online disclosure and communication
behavior as rehearsals for offline self-disclosure, which is important for less
confident youth.
The ubiquity of mobile technology among adolescents coupled with
constant access to the Internet and social media poses new risks and
opportunities for teenagers’ romantic and sexual relationships. On the
one hand, online communication platforms afford young people myriad
opportunities for advancing personal identity, self-esteem, and sexual
self-exploration—all key aspects of psychosocial development that can
also fortify romantic partnerships. On the other hand, online platforms
also pose risks that can undermine emotional well-being, including
cyber-bullying, cyber-stalking, and dangerous interactions with strangers
(Valkenburg & Peter, 2011). Teens can also experience abusive or controlling behaviors from current or former romantic partners (Lenhart et al.,
2015). “Sexting” commands media attention when personal harm is disclosed, but its prevalence among teens is unknown (Ahern & Mechling,
2013).
Much more research is needed to better understand how the proliferation of
digital technology has altered adolescents’ coupling behaviors. The sources
of vulnerability suggested above, particularly among youth with poor social
skills, thin friendship networks, and limited romantic experiences, warrant

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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

further investigation. Understanding the risks and opportunities afforded by
teens’ online behavior also requires systematic information about parental
supervision of teens’ behavior online (Wang, Bianchi, & Raley, 2005).
STRENGTHENING CAUSAL INFERENCE
Two general lines of inquiry remain underdeveloped in research about the
precursors and consequences of adolescent romantic relationships. First,
claims that capacity for intimacy in adolescence and adulthood evolve from
earlier experiences that accumulate across the life course have not been fully
tested because the major studies of youth begin in adolescence and rely on
retrospection for information on earlier life stages. If a major strength of these
surveys is the capacity to link adolescent experiences with adult outcomes,
a major drawback is their limited information about childhood experiences
that are potentially consequential for adolescent relationship experiences.
Research from birth cohort studies following youth into adolescence and
beyond will be vital to identifying causal relationships between childhood
experiences (such as early family functioning) and adolescent partnership
dynamics.
Second, the coarse temporal measurement used in existing study designs
precludes researchers from deciphering causal ordering among the myriad
physical, emotional, and social changes experienced during adolescence
(Furman & Wehner, 1997). Investigating the precursors and consequences
of teen romantic relationships requires a reliable temporal ordering of life
course events, which is challenging because the developmental changes
that define adolescence are temporally proximal to outcomes of interest
and often mutually reinforcing (Collins et al., 2009). Moreover, because adolescent relationships are highly dynamic, often short-lived, and frequently
ambiguous in nature, recall over long periods introduces considerable
reporting error.
INTENSIVE LONGITUDINAL METHODS
Claims that teen relationships are highly dynamic require frequent longitudinal follow-up to capture relationship emergence and evolution. Intensive
longitudinal methods, which involve frequent and repeated measurement
over time, are superior to periodic retrospective data for establishing the timing and sequencing of life events during a life stage characterized by rapid
change (Bolger & Laurenceau, 2013). Intensive longitudinal methods represent a broad family of research designs, including diaries, ecological momentary assessment (EMA), and experience sampling methodology (ESM). Data from
these methods can be used to portray the contours of teen relationships while

Adolescent Romantic Relationships in the Digital Age

11

minimizing retrospection biases, record the evolution of relationships in real
time (Barber, Kusunoki, & Gatny, 2011; Fortenberry et al., 2005), and also capture flux in other dimensions of adolescents’ lives that may be precursors
and/or consequences of teens’ coupling behavior (Bolger, Davis, & Rafaeli,
2003; Collins et al., 2009).
Advances in smartphones and other mobile devices, and their increasing
ubiquity and affordability, enable implementation of intensive longitudinal
methods. Mobile technologies are appealing for conducting research on
youth relationships because, in addition to aligning with teens’ natural
media habits, they (i) facilitate collection of sensitive information with
minimal investigator intrusion; (ii) provide time and cost savings in longitudinal data collection; (iii) maximize participants’ flexibility in response
location and time of day; (iv) permit timely and accurate data retrieval; and
(v) afford possibilities for passive collection of data on location, networks,
and communication patterns via smartphone functionality (Bolger et al.,
2003; Collins et al., 2009). Existing mobile studies of youth tend to focus on
psychological well-being, to target local populations, and to span relatively
short periods (e.g., 1 week) (Shrier, Koren, Aneja, & de Moor, 2010), which
are not well suited to study the emergence and evolution of adolescent
romantic experiences.
For studying teen romantic relationships, intensive longitudinal studies
represent a largely uncharted research frontier, albeit one that promises to
fill major research lacunae about the short-term consequences of adolescent partnering behavior. Still to be settled are numerous questions about
optimal survey frequency, study duration, appropriate uses of smartphone
functionality, and subject recruitment.
CONCLUSION
While much has been learned about adolescent romance in the past several decades, research has been limited by narrow operational definitions,
coarse temporal measurement, retrospective reporting of childhood experiences, and lack of attention to how technologies influence teen romantic
experiences in the digital age. Research designs with prospective data collection in both childhood and adolescence are essential to establish causal links
between the two life stages; to evaluate hypotheses about cascading disadvantages; and to tease out the relative importance of childhood and adolescent precursors of healthy and unhealthy partnering behavior. An ideal
research design would piggyback intensive longitudinal studies with birth
cohort studies, particularly during pivotal periods such as the transition from
childhood to early adolescence (“tween” years); middle adolescence; and the
transition from late adolescence to adulthood. Such designs will help resolve

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inconsistent conclusions about the contours, causes, and consequences of
teen romantic relationships.
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RACHEL E. GOLDBERG SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Rachel E. Goldberg is assistant professor of sociology at the University of
California, Irvine. She received her PhD in sociology (2012) from Brown University, an MPH (2003) from Columbia University, and was a postdoctoral
research associate at Princeton University from 2012 to 2015. She has research
and policy experience focused on adolescent sexual and reproductive health,
including romantic relationships, and family dynamics, across various countries including the United States, Kenya, South Africa, and the Dominican
Republic. Goldberg serves as co-PI of the mDiary Study of Adolescent Relationships.

MARTA TIENDA SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Marta Tienda is Maurice P. During ’22 professor in demographic studies, professor of sociology and public affairs, and research associate in the Office of
Population Research at Princeton University. She is a Fellow of the American
Academy of Arts and Sciences; the American Academy of Political and Social
Sciences; and the National Academy of Education and past president of the
Population Association of America. Her research interests include immigrant
integration, equity and access to quality education, and successful adolescent development. Tienda serves as co-PI of the mDiary Study of Adolescent
Relationships.

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