Global Economic Networks
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Global Economic Networks
NINA BANDELJ, KRISTEN SHORETTE, and ELIZABETH SOWERS
Abstract
Globalization can be most concretely captured in an investigation of global economic
networks. In this essay, we review foundational and cutting-edge research on global
economic networks, including economic ties that result from trade, investment,
finance, and remittance relations between corporations and/or citizens from
different nations; through flows of people due to migration and global tourism;
and via international institutions that govern global economic exchange. We focus
on research that examines the determinants and consequences of global economic
ties from different theoretical perspectives, such as neoclassical economics, the
world-systems research, global commodity chains, regionalization, and world
society perspective. We also review research that maps the structure of the global
economy. We end by identifying promising venues for future research.
INTRODUCTION
Globalization, or the intensification of cross-national flows of goods, people,
technology, and capital that increases international interdependencies
and compresses time and space, can be most concretely captured in an
investigation of global networks. In this essay, we review foundational and
cutting-edge research on global economic networks, including economic ties
that result from trade, investment, finance, and remittance relations between
corporations and/or citizens from different nations; through flows of people
due to migration and global tourism; and via international institutions that
govern global economic exchange. We focus on research that examines the
determinants and consequences of global economic ties, and on research
that uses network methods to map the structure of the global economy. We
end by identifying promising venues for future research.
One of the earliest studies of economic relations is that of trade between
countries. Wallerstein (1974) traces the origins of trade as a global phenomenon to the “long sixteenth century” (1450–1640) when a number of
chartered trading companies emerged in Europe. Over the next several
centuries, the development of a world trading system created a particular
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Edited by Robert Scott and Stephen Kosslyn.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 978-1-118-90077-2.
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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
division of power between those countries that were at the center of this
trading system, the core, and those at the periphery (Wallerstein, 1974). A
major theme in sociology has been about how unequal economic exchange
between countries, which can be captured in the North–South divide in the
structure of global economic networks, influences differential prospects for
development.
The foundations of the contemporary economic globalization were established by the system of financial and trade institutions set up in Bretton
Woods, New Hampshire, in 1944, including the IMF (International Monetary Fund), International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (later
renamed into World Bank), and WTO (World Trade Organization) [formerly
GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade)]. In the late 1980s, these
international institutions started to promote a neoliberal economic agenda
(Gore, 2000), encouraging liberalization of trade and FDI (foreign direct
investment). Indeed, trade increased from comprising 24% (1960) to 56%
(2010) of world GDP (gross domestic product). FDI has grown exponentially,
from a mere $12 million in 1970 to $1.5 trillion in 2007, before the economic
crisis. Growth in the total value of stocks traded on global markets has also
been spectacular, from 35% of world GDP in 1990 to its peak at 182% in
2007, before the financial crisis, and recovering at 106% in 2010 (World Bank,
2012a, 2012b). Notable are also trends in the rise of migrants, remittances,
and world tourism. We review research on all of these economic flows,
focusing on studies examining their determinants and consequences.
FOUNDATIONAL RESEARCH
EARLY STUDY OF TRADE AND FDI IN ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY
International trade is the exchange of capital, goods, and services across
international borders. The traditional economic explanation for the patterns
of international trade dates back to foundational work of David Ricardo
(1817) on competitive advantage, which holds that countries should specialize in economic activity for which they have a competitive price advantage,
and that liberalization of trade facilitates this specialization. In the 1980s,
trade analyses in economics moved away from this focus on interindustry
trade among dissimilar nations to examine intraindustry trade among
similar nations, noting that consumer preferences, specifically for a variety
of goods, and returns to scale have given rise to these particular patterns of
trade (Krugman, 1980).
Instead of focusing on determinants of trade, early sociological research
proposed that international trade is central to explaining economic development and underdevelopment of individual countries. World-systems theory
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argues that the modern world economy was built upon asymmetrical economic relations between countries, or “unequal exchange,” where surplus
from the periphery countries was transferred to the core countries, leading
to the accumulation of capital in the core (Wallerstein, 1974). In other words,
the modern world economy was built out of competition between core states
where success depended upon the extraction of labor, resources, and other
benefits from the periphery (Chase-Dunn, 2007).
The economic study of FDI and MNCs (multinational corporations) started
in the 1950s with a focus on benefits of US investment for host economies
(Dunning, 1958), followed by studies on the strategies of MNCs, highlighting the role of the product cycle in determining foreign investment decisions
(Vernon, 1999). These first studies of MNCs were all grounded in neoclassical
economic theory, analyzing corporate strategies as examples of rational profit
maximization and transnational investment as beneficial to global welfare
(Kindleberger, 1970). Likewise, early economic study of aggregate FDI flows
examined the effects of economic opportunities generated by the demand
and costs associated with the supply at the investment site (Aharoni, 1966).
Demand was estimated by market potential in terms of size and growth. Key
cost factors included the availability, skill, and cost of labor; macroeconomic
stability; and development of infrastructure (Dunning, 1980).
Sociologists questioned the positive spillovers of MNC activities and
emphasized the uneven power relations between core nations where FDI
originated, and underdeveloped peripheral countries that received it. The
dependency school argued that MNCs hurt the ability of the Third World
countries to build domestic industries controlled by locally owned firms
(Cardoso & Faletto, 1979). With a similar focus on the political economy of
FDI, world-systems theorists have argued that foreign investment serves
primarily the investors from developed core states and thus constrains the
development of poor countries on the periphery by relying on low-wage
unskilled labor and low technological sophistication, which creates few
opportunities for beneficial “spillover” effects (Bornschier & Chase-Dunn,
1985). Furthermore, heavy dependence on foreign capital promotes an
uneven distribution of capital intensity across sectors and geographical
regions in the receiver economy, increasing overall income inequality
(Frank, 1967); it limits the development of human capital, such as bureaucratic skills necessary for a highly functioning business sector (Evans &
Timberlake, 1980); and it tends to produce a race to the bottom where
developing nations compromise labor and environmental standards to
attract FDI (McMichael, 1996).
As concerns the structure of global economic networks, Snyder and Kick
(1979) were among the first to use network methods to map the global
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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
economy and investigate the empirical relevance of the core-peripherysemiperiphery hierarchy envisioned by world-system analysis. Performing
blockmodel analysis of international trade flows, military interventions,
diplomatic exchanges, and conjoint treaty memberships between 1955 and
1970, they found support for the existence of the world-systems hierarchy in
the global economy, and its consequences for economic growth.
CUTTING-EDGE RESEARCH
GLOBAL COMMODITY CHAINS AND GLOBAL VALUE CHAINS
Trade since the 1970s and 1980s increasingly reflects the “disintegration of the
production process” (Feenstra, 1998), where firms fragment production into
stages located in different nation-states. Indeed, studies show that this kind
of productive disintegration explains a good deal of the rise in manufacturing
trade since 1970. Unsurprisingly, research agendas devoted to explaining this
trend emerged along with it. One of the earliest was the GCC (global commodity chain) perspective (Gereffi & Korzeniewicz, 1994). Here, each stage
of the process can be understood as a link in the chain that brings a commodity through its life cycle (Centeno & Cohen, 2010). Gereffi’s (1994) initial
differentiation between “buyer-driven” and “producer-driven” commodity
chains highlighted that these emergent global chains have different kinds of
governance, where buyer-driven GCCs reflect the leading firms’ desire to
capture the most value in the chain, which typically accrues to the final stage
of marketing and sales.
The GVC (global value chain) paradigm emerged from GCC research.
In particular, the GVC approach supplements the buyer-driven/producerdriven dichotomy with an “industry neutral” governance scheme
that is a function of three variables characterizing a given interfirm
exchange—transaction complexity, transaction codifiability, and supplier
competency (Gereffi, Humphrey, Kaplinsky, & Sturgeon, 2005). What is crucial about this GVC intervention is that the concept of “chain governance”
expands from two (buyer/producer-driven) to several possible types, but
this intervention also disguises somewhat who has power in value chains,
how/why power is exercised, and what the implication of value chains are
for the geography of global production (Mahutga, 2012).
RESEARCH ON POLITICAL, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL DETERMINANTS OF TRADE AND FDI
While sociologists continue to be more interested in the consequences
of trade and FDI for inequality, an increasingly prominent strand of
research flips the focus to consider the determinants of FDI. Building on
the cost–benefit work of economists, studies suggest that, in addition to
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economic factors, political risks deter investors (Henisz, 2000). Foreign
investment policy can provide incentives to investors in the form of tax
holidays or exemptions from import duties, and thereby reduce costs at
investment sites, while protectionist policies increase them (Bhagwati,
Dinopoulos, & Wong, 1992). Investigating a relationship between democracy and FDI, Jensen (2006) finds a positive effect because democratic
governments can more credibly commit to market-friendly policies than can
authoritarian regimes [but see Li and Resnick (2003)].
Departing from a one-sided focus on the rationale of investors, Bandelj
(2008) argues that FDI is a social relational process because it involves actors
who are oriented to each other in their behavior, attribute meaning to economic exchanges, are influenced by power dynamics, and rely on networks
and institutions to practically navigate FDI interactions. Similarly, Delios and
Henisz (2000) find that investors embedded in interorganizational networks
imitate the behavior of their peers. In an overtime study of trade (1950–2000),
Zhou (2010) also finds that cultural and political similarity remain important
factors in structuring the networks of trading relationships, over and above
typical economic considerations.
INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE
Recently, more scholars have examined the institutions responsible for global
economic governance. Work on the WTO has sought to understand the distribution of power within it, finding more limits to the role of the United States
(Chorev, 2005) and more influence of China but also Brazil, South Africa, and
India (Wade, 2011). The findings on whether WTO membership promotes
trade are inconclusive, with some finding that a GATT/WTO connection promotes trade (Mansfield, Milner, & Rosendorff, 2000), while others that it does
not (Rose, 2004).
In addition, scholars focus on regional trade institutions (Duina, 2005), and
different kinds of IGOs (international governmental organizations) that promote trade by removing tariffs, capital controls, and various quotas, as well
as other restrictions on foreign goods in domestic markets (Fligstein, 2005).
Moreover, some research finds that even noneconomic IGOs, such as social
and cultural ones, help increase international trade (Ingram, Robinson, &
Busch, 2005), while others see the effect of IGOs on trade waning over time
(Zhou, 2010). Conflicting results may stem from differential regional effects
given Geldi’s (2012) findings that the EU and NAFTA (North American Free
Trade Agreement) facilitate more intraregional trade but their Latin American and Asian counterparts do not.
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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
CONSEQUENCES OF GLOBAL ECONOMIC NETWORKS
Research has continued to focus on the consequences of global economic
flows for inequality across countries, as well as for work and workers. Smith
and White (1992) find empirical evidence of a core-periphery hierarchy,
as well as the existence of regional subdivisions. Mahutga (2006) extends
the reach across countries and over time (between 1965 and 2000) to find
persistence of structural inequality, but also some mobility of “exceptional”
countries (e.g., South Korea, Singapore, Turkey). Moreover, Clark (2010)
finds that mobility within the world system is a strong predictor of economic
growth, even after initial world-system position, capital/labor resources,
and regional economic factors are considered.
As concerns globalization’s consequences for work and workers, research
generally highlights more negative consequences than positive ones [for
a review, see Bandelj, Shorette, & Sowers (2011)]. In the developed world,
for instance, flexible forms of work among highly skilled workers have
increased, which allows such workers more control over their work experiences. But global dynamics have also brought liabilities to workers in
the developed world, principally in the forms of increased job insecurity,
work hours, and work stress. In the developing world, globalization has
resulted in a general increase in available jobs, but global forces have also
resulted in long working hours with few labor protections, exploitation
of female workers, and periodic bouts of unemployment. Similarly, the
implication of GCC/GVCs for economic development and workers is
unclear. While GCC/GVC integration can lead to real technology transfer
and learning by doing, these processes do not necessarily increase wages
and may have reduced the unit price of manufacturing output (Schrank,
2004).
THE STRUCTURE OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMIC NETWORKS
With the use of network analytic techniques and more available data that
allows examination of (almost) all the world’s countries, studies continue
to ask questions about the structure of globalization. In a review, Lloyd,
Mahutga, and de Leeuw (2009) conclude that a handful of “core” states
continue to occupy positions of high power and status vis-à-vis other actors
in the network. In contrast, Kim and Shin (2002) analyze data on commodity
trade between 1959 and 1996 to find that interregional and intraregional
trade ties increased. However, Piccardi and Tajoli (2012) use data on trade
flows between 1962 and 2008 to find no support for the existence of strong
preferential trading regional groupings, and instead argue that the data
supports an image of a truly globalized economy.
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Bandelj and Mahutga (2013) use BITs (bilateral investment treaties), or
institutional arrangements signed by countries to promote and protect FDI
between them, to suggest that the three models of globalization, universal,
core/periphery, and regionalism—usually portrayed as competing explanations of global structures—in fact coexist. Using data from the inception of
the BIT network in 1959–2009, they find that the number of BITs increases
significantly over time to include nearly all of the world’s countries. However, the density of ties between advanced capitalist and others is stronger
than for any other dyadic types, with some evidence of regional homophily
strengthening over time.
GLOBAL MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNITIES, AND REMITTANCES
According to the World Bank, the number of international migrants doubled
to 215 million between 1985 and 2010. These developments helped shift the
focus in migration studies from the assimilation experience of immigrants
and their impact on the receiving country (Park & Burgess, 1969 [1921]) to
greater attention on migrants’ origins, and the community context of migration (Massey et al., 1993).
Recent research on global migration suggests that migratory activities
do not signify a complete break with one’s home country. Instead, global
migrants maintain transnational existences, where they incorporate into
the receiving societies but maintain ties to their home countries (Levitt &
Jaworsky, 2007). Research also highlights the particular role of migrants in
“global cities” (Sassen, 2006) as low-wage labor force, and the role of ethnic
communities in receiving countries (Light, 2005).
A crucial economic aspect of global migration is substantial growth in
the worldwide amount of international remittances, or income earned by
international migrants that is returned to their home country. According to
the World Bank, remittances to developing countries more than quadrupled
between 1985 and 2010 to over $300 billion, without a substantial decline
during the 2008–2009 global recession (World Bank, 2012a, 2012b). The
majority of empirical studies point to the contingent and differentiated
effect of remittances for certain groups and over time (Lu & Treiman, 2011),
mediated by social forces such as international labor markets and domestic
gender role expectations (Akesson, 2009; de Haas, 2006). Improvements
in methodology, such as gathering longitudinal data from both sending
and receiving parties, and modeling migration and remittances as part of
one and the same process (Garip, 2012) represent fruitful venues for future
research.
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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
KEY ISSUES FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
Advances in the study of global economic networks would benefit from substantive and theoretical breath. In terms of substantive topics, alternative
forms of trade, illicit economic flows, global tourism, and international financial flows deserve more attention. Alternative forms of trade, such as fair
trade, have increased in prevalence (from $198 million in 1994 to $5.8 billion
in 2010) and case studies point to positive, although limited, effects on participating producers in developing countries (Jaffee, 2007). Going beyond case
studies, research on fair trade should examine cross-national and over time
trends in production and consumption of fair trade goods, including why
the fair trade system emerged when and where it did. However, data availability, especially data on sales before the establishment of formal international networks in the mid-1990s, poses a sizable challenge to expanding our
understanding of fair trade on a global scale. Similarly, reliable data on global
illicit networks formed via human trafficking, smuggling, organized crime,
or terrorist networks are often intractable, even if examining how various
forms of illicit networks are similar or different in various regional contexts,
and scrutinizing the relationship between global illicit networks and political, cultural, and economic global networks warrants attention (Limoncelli,
2009).
Given the spectacular increase in total export earnings generated by international tourism (US$1.4 trillion in 2013), and international arrivals surpassing US$1 billion in 2013, we need more sociological work on world tourism
and its determinants and consequences. Bandelj and Wherry (2011) propose
that global tourism relies on the cultural wealth of nations, which developing
countries can turn into economic benefits to advance prosperity, with varying levels of success. The question remains under which conditions it works
more or less effectively, and how power and unequal exchange relationships
are mirrored also in patterns of tourism.
In addition, global financialization calls for more investigation. The recent
economic crisis from 2008 onward highlights the vulnerabilities of a financialized global economy, and investigation of its governance is in order. Further, we need to know more about both the determinants of financialization
processes and their consequences.
Theoretically, research on global networks can further investigate the role
of power and culture in shaping economic outcomes. Learning from the
network embeddedness perspectives in economic sociology, actors in the
logistics industry can be considered as brokers of global economic networks
(Bonacich & Wilson, 2008; Silver, 2003) but we need more sociological
research to identify the conditions under which workers in this industry
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leverage the power of their bridging positions between production and
consumption to achieve concrete goals.
Aside from power, recent work on GVCs has increasingly adopted a focus
on the cultural-political dimensions of economic production. Ponte and
Daviron (2011) argue for leveraging symbolic value in the GCCs of the South
African wine industry, and Bair (2011) points to the construction of value
in ancient Mayan locations and traditions in tourism commodity chains.
Indeed, the novelty and relevance of GVCs may lie in the service industry,
particularly in tourism. The flow of Northern tourists to Southern locations
provides an alternative GVC structure where producers in the global South
retain greater control over the GVC by virtue of their location. Future
research should empirically examine service GVCs and the possibilities of
national development via tourism and other services.
Finally, world society theory highlights the institutional foundations of
global processes (Boli & Thomas, 1997) but largely ignores international
economic flows. Promising is the examination of neoliberal policies diffusion
(Henisz, Zelner, & Guillen, 2005), and the influence of INGOs’ (international
nongovernmental organizations) integration on domestic corporate social
responsibility initiatives (Lim & Tsutsui, 2012). Further analyses are needed,
with attention to the processes of decoupling (Meyer, Boli, Thomas, &
Ramirez, 1997), given that existing studies of the role of INGO integration
on trade yield mixed results.
CONCLUDING COMMENTS
Research on global economic processes is variegated and yields many
inconclusive results regarding the structure of the global economic network,
as well as its determinants and consequences. In terms of consequences,
world-systems research points to the persistence of unequal exchange while
institutional perspectives find more evidence of regionalization. In terms of
determinants, economics research emphasizes the instrumental considerations while sociologists uncover the political and cultural embeddedness of
global economic flows. Key challenges remain in data availability, given that
complete network data that encapsulates all of the world’s countries over
a longer period of time is best suited to capture global economic networks.
Longitudinal analyses of global economic networks can tell us much about
the central questions that drive globalization research, about the shape of
globalization and its consequences, but require significant computational
power.
Substantively, the literature needs a better handle on how political, cultural, and material processes interact in shaping various global economic
flows. Empirical evidence of these interactions abounds, for instance, in
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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
how GVCs incorporate considerations of cultural value creation processes.
Examination of international aid shows how political relations lead to
economic exchange. The notion of social remittances indicates that migrants
do not send back only monies but also ideas and cultural practices (Levitt,
1998). Therefore, the study of global economic networks would be well
served to consider the simultaneity of cultural and material processes as
well as the interplay between transnational and more local/regional trends.
Such an analysis might uncover that universalistic processes operate in the
world polity but are nevertheless conditioned by the unequal distribution
of capital between countries, as well as the idiosyncratic behavior of some
regions vis-à-vis others.
GLOSSARY
BIT
FDI
GATT
GCC
GDP
GVC
IGO
IMF
INGO
MNCs
NAFTA
UN
WTO
Bilateral investment treaties
Foreign direct investment
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
Global commodity chain
Gross domestic product
Global value chain
International governmental organization
International Monetary Fund
International nongovernmental organization
Multinational corporations
North American Free Trade Agreement
United Nations
World Trade Organization
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Snyder, D., & Kick, E. L. (1979). Structural position in the world system and economic growth, 1955–1970: A multiple-network analysis of transnational interactions. American Journal of Sociology, 84, 1096–1126.
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Forces, 88, 1619–1643. doi:10.1353/sof.2010.0014
NINA BANDELJ SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Nina Bandelj (PhD, Princeton) is Sociology Professor at the University of
California, Irvine. She was a Jean Monnet Fellow at the European University
Institute, in Florence, Italy, and a Visiting Scholar at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, in Cologne, Germany. Her research examines
the social and cultural bases of economic phenomena, determinants and consequences of globalization, and social change in postsocialist Europe. Her
articles have been published in the American Sociological Review, Social Forces,
Theory and Society, and Socio-Economic Review, among others. She is the author
of From Communists to Foreign Capitalists: The Social Foundations of Foreign
Direct Investment in Postsocialist Europe (Princeton University Press, 2008),
Economy and State: A Sociological Perspective (with Elizabeth Sowers, Polity
Press, 2010), and editor of Economic Sociology of Work (Emerald Publishing,
2009), The Cultural Wealth of Nations (with Frederick F. Wherry, Stanford University Press, 2011), and Socialism Vanquished, Socialism Challenged: Eastern
Europe and China, 1989–2009 (with Dorothy J. Solinger, Oxford University
Press, 2012). She serves as Editor of Socio-Economic Review, is past Co-Chair of
ISA RC09: Social Transformations and Sociology of Development, and Past
Chair (2013–2014) of the ASA Economic Sociology Section.
KRISTEN SHORETTE SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Kristen Shorette is Assistant Professor of Sociology at State University of
New York at Stony Brook. She holds a BA in Sociology and English from
Ithaca College and a PhD in Sociology from the University of California,
Global Economic Networks
15
Irvine. Her dissertation research, supported by the National Science Foundation, examined the emergence and proliferation of fair trade organizations;
their uneven distribution across the global south; and the economic activity
associated with them. Shorette’s articles have appeared in Social Forces, Sociological Perspectives, and Sociology Compass, among others. Her current research
examines the effects of world cultural and political economic forces on greenhouse gas emissions, child immunization rates, longevity and mortality, and
the prevalence of infectious diseases.
ELIZABETH SOWERS SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Elizabeth Sowers’ research interests include the sociology of work, the
sociology of globalization, and economic sociology. She is Assistant Professor of Sociology at California State University, Channel Islands. Her
current doctoral research centers upon the areas of work and globalization, with a specific focus on collective action and inequality within the
trucking, transportation, and logistics industries. Sowers’ recent work has
been published in Sociology Compass (2011; with Nina Bandelj and Kristen
Shorette) as well in Economy and State: A Sociological Perspective (Polity Press
2010; with Nina Bandelj). Sowers has received fellowships from the John
Randolph Haynes Foundation, the Gates Cambridge Trust, University of
California, Irvine’s School of Social Sciences and the Center for the Study
of Democracy, the UCLA Institute for Research on Labor and Employment,
and the Society for Logistics Education. Sowers holds a BA in Global Studies
from the University of California, Santa Barbara, an MPhil in Sociology from
the University of Cambridge, United Kingdom, an MA in Demographic
and Social Analysis from the University of California, Irvine and a PhD in
Sociology from the University of California, Irvine.
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-
Global Economic Networks
NINA BANDELJ, KRISTEN SHORETTE, and ELIZABETH SOWERS
Abstract
Globalization can be most concretely captured in an investigation of global economic
networks. In this essay, we review foundational and cutting-edge research on global
economic networks, including economic ties that result from trade, investment,
finance, and remittance relations between corporations and/or citizens from
different nations; through flows of people due to migration and global tourism;
and via international institutions that govern global economic exchange. We focus
on research that examines the determinants and consequences of global economic
ties from different theoretical perspectives, such as neoclassical economics, the
world-systems research, global commodity chains, regionalization, and world
society perspective. We also review research that maps the structure of the global
economy. We end by identifying promising venues for future research.
INTRODUCTION
Globalization, or the intensification of cross-national flows of goods, people,
technology, and capital that increases international interdependencies
and compresses time and space, can be most concretely captured in an
investigation of global networks. In this essay, we review foundational and
cutting-edge research on global economic networks, including economic ties
that result from trade, investment, finance, and remittance relations between
corporations and/or citizens from different nations; through flows of people
due to migration and global tourism; and via international institutions that
govern global economic exchange. We focus on research that examines the
determinants and consequences of global economic ties, and on research
that uses network methods to map the structure of the global economy. We
end by identifying promising venues for future research.
One of the earliest studies of economic relations is that of trade between
countries. Wallerstein (1974) traces the origins of trade as a global phenomenon to the “long sixteenth century” (1450–1640) when a number of
chartered trading companies emerged in Europe. Over the next several
centuries, the development of a world trading system created a particular
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Edited by Robert Scott and Stephen Kosslyn.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN 978-1-118-90077-2.
1
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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
division of power between those countries that were at the center of this
trading system, the core, and those at the periphery (Wallerstein, 1974). A
major theme in sociology has been about how unequal economic exchange
between countries, which can be captured in the North–South divide in the
structure of global economic networks, influences differential prospects for
development.
The foundations of the contemporary economic globalization were established by the system of financial and trade institutions set up in Bretton
Woods, New Hampshire, in 1944, including the IMF (International Monetary Fund), International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (later
renamed into World Bank), and WTO (World Trade Organization) [formerly
GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade)]. In the late 1980s, these
international institutions started to promote a neoliberal economic agenda
(Gore, 2000), encouraging liberalization of trade and FDI (foreign direct
investment). Indeed, trade increased from comprising 24% (1960) to 56%
(2010) of world GDP (gross domestic product). FDI has grown exponentially,
from a mere $12 million in 1970 to $1.5 trillion in 2007, before the economic
crisis. Growth in the total value of stocks traded on global markets has also
been spectacular, from 35% of world GDP in 1990 to its peak at 182% in
2007, before the financial crisis, and recovering at 106% in 2010 (World Bank,
2012a, 2012b). Notable are also trends in the rise of migrants, remittances,
and world tourism. We review research on all of these economic flows,
focusing on studies examining their determinants and consequences.
FOUNDATIONAL RESEARCH
EARLY STUDY OF TRADE AND FDI IN ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY
International trade is the exchange of capital, goods, and services across
international borders. The traditional economic explanation for the patterns
of international trade dates back to foundational work of David Ricardo
(1817) on competitive advantage, which holds that countries should specialize in economic activity for which they have a competitive price advantage,
and that liberalization of trade facilitates this specialization. In the 1980s,
trade analyses in economics moved away from this focus on interindustry
trade among dissimilar nations to examine intraindustry trade among
similar nations, noting that consumer preferences, specifically for a variety
of goods, and returns to scale have given rise to these particular patterns of
trade (Krugman, 1980).
Instead of focusing on determinants of trade, early sociological research
proposed that international trade is central to explaining economic development and underdevelopment of individual countries. World-systems theory
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argues that the modern world economy was built upon asymmetrical economic relations between countries, or “unequal exchange,” where surplus
from the periphery countries was transferred to the core countries, leading
to the accumulation of capital in the core (Wallerstein, 1974). In other words,
the modern world economy was built out of competition between core states
where success depended upon the extraction of labor, resources, and other
benefits from the periphery (Chase-Dunn, 2007).
The economic study of FDI and MNCs (multinational corporations) started
in the 1950s with a focus on benefits of US investment for host economies
(Dunning, 1958), followed by studies on the strategies of MNCs, highlighting the role of the product cycle in determining foreign investment decisions
(Vernon, 1999). These first studies of MNCs were all grounded in neoclassical
economic theory, analyzing corporate strategies as examples of rational profit
maximization and transnational investment as beneficial to global welfare
(Kindleberger, 1970). Likewise, early economic study of aggregate FDI flows
examined the effects of economic opportunities generated by the demand
and costs associated with the supply at the investment site (Aharoni, 1966).
Demand was estimated by market potential in terms of size and growth. Key
cost factors included the availability, skill, and cost of labor; macroeconomic
stability; and development of infrastructure (Dunning, 1980).
Sociologists questioned the positive spillovers of MNC activities and
emphasized the uneven power relations between core nations where FDI
originated, and underdeveloped peripheral countries that received it. The
dependency school argued that MNCs hurt the ability of the Third World
countries to build domestic industries controlled by locally owned firms
(Cardoso & Faletto, 1979). With a similar focus on the political economy of
FDI, world-systems theorists have argued that foreign investment serves
primarily the investors from developed core states and thus constrains the
development of poor countries on the periphery by relying on low-wage
unskilled labor and low technological sophistication, which creates few
opportunities for beneficial “spillover” effects (Bornschier & Chase-Dunn,
1985). Furthermore, heavy dependence on foreign capital promotes an
uneven distribution of capital intensity across sectors and geographical
regions in the receiver economy, increasing overall income inequality
(Frank, 1967); it limits the development of human capital, such as bureaucratic skills necessary for a highly functioning business sector (Evans &
Timberlake, 1980); and it tends to produce a race to the bottom where
developing nations compromise labor and environmental standards to
attract FDI (McMichael, 1996).
As concerns the structure of global economic networks, Snyder and Kick
(1979) were among the first to use network methods to map the global
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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
economy and investigate the empirical relevance of the core-peripherysemiperiphery hierarchy envisioned by world-system analysis. Performing
blockmodel analysis of international trade flows, military interventions,
diplomatic exchanges, and conjoint treaty memberships between 1955 and
1970, they found support for the existence of the world-systems hierarchy in
the global economy, and its consequences for economic growth.
CUTTING-EDGE RESEARCH
GLOBAL COMMODITY CHAINS AND GLOBAL VALUE CHAINS
Trade since the 1970s and 1980s increasingly reflects the “disintegration of the
production process” (Feenstra, 1998), where firms fragment production into
stages located in different nation-states. Indeed, studies show that this kind
of productive disintegration explains a good deal of the rise in manufacturing
trade since 1970. Unsurprisingly, research agendas devoted to explaining this
trend emerged along with it. One of the earliest was the GCC (global commodity chain) perspective (Gereffi & Korzeniewicz, 1994). Here, each stage
of the process can be understood as a link in the chain that brings a commodity through its life cycle (Centeno & Cohen, 2010). Gereffi’s (1994) initial
differentiation between “buyer-driven” and “producer-driven” commodity
chains highlighted that these emergent global chains have different kinds of
governance, where buyer-driven GCCs reflect the leading firms’ desire to
capture the most value in the chain, which typically accrues to the final stage
of marketing and sales.
The GVC (global value chain) paradigm emerged from GCC research.
In particular, the GVC approach supplements the buyer-driven/producerdriven dichotomy with an “industry neutral” governance scheme
that is a function of three variables characterizing a given interfirm
exchange—transaction complexity, transaction codifiability, and supplier
competency (Gereffi, Humphrey, Kaplinsky, & Sturgeon, 2005). What is crucial about this GVC intervention is that the concept of “chain governance”
expands from two (buyer/producer-driven) to several possible types, but
this intervention also disguises somewhat who has power in value chains,
how/why power is exercised, and what the implication of value chains are
for the geography of global production (Mahutga, 2012).
RESEARCH ON POLITICAL, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL DETERMINANTS OF TRADE AND FDI
While sociologists continue to be more interested in the consequences
of trade and FDI for inequality, an increasingly prominent strand of
research flips the focus to consider the determinants of FDI. Building on
the cost–benefit work of economists, studies suggest that, in addition to
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5
economic factors, political risks deter investors (Henisz, 2000). Foreign
investment policy can provide incentives to investors in the form of tax
holidays or exemptions from import duties, and thereby reduce costs at
investment sites, while protectionist policies increase them (Bhagwati,
Dinopoulos, & Wong, 1992). Investigating a relationship between democracy and FDI, Jensen (2006) finds a positive effect because democratic
governments can more credibly commit to market-friendly policies than can
authoritarian regimes [but see Li and Resnick (2003)].
Departing from a one-sided focus on the rationale of investors, Bandelj
(2008) argues that FDI is a social relational process because it involves actors
who are oriented to each other in their behavior, attribute meaning to economic exchanges, are influenced by power dynamics, and rely on networks
and institutions to practically navigate FDI interactions. Similarly, Delios and
Henisz (2000) find that investors embedded in interorganizational networks
imitate the behavior of their peers. In an overtime study of trade (1950–2000),
Zhou (2010) also finds that cultural and political similarity remain important
factors in structuring the networks of trading relationships, over and above
typical economic considerations.
INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE
Recently, more scholars have examined the institutions responsible for global
economic governance. Work on the WTO has sought to understand the distribution of power within it, finding more limits to the role of the United States
(Chorev, 2005) and more influence of China but also Brazil, South Africa, and
India (Wade, 2011). The findings on whether WTO membership promotes
trade are inconclusive, with some finding that a GATT/WTO connection promotes trade (Mansfield, Milner, & Rosendorff, 2000), while others that it does
not (Rose, 2004).
In addition, scholars focus on regional trade institutions (Duina, 2005), and
different kinds of IGOs (international governmental organizations) that promote trade by removing tariffs, capital controls, and various quotas, as well
as other restrictions on foreign goods in domestic markets (Fligstein, 2005).
Moreover, some research finds that even noneconomic IGOs, such as social
and cultural ones, help increase international trade (Ingram, Robinson, &
Busch, 2005), while others see the effect of IGOs on trade waning over time
(Zhou, 2010). Conflicting results may stem from differential regional effects
given Geldi’s (2012) findings that the EU and NAFTA (North American Free
Trade Agreement) facilitate more intraregional trade but their Latin American and Asian counterparts do not.
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EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
CONSEQUENCES OF GLOBAL ECONOMIC NETWORKS
Research has continued to focus on the consequences of global economic
flows for inequality across countries, as well as for work and workers. Smith
and White (1992) find empirical evidence of a core-periphery hierarchy,
as well as the existence of regional subdivisions. Mahutga (2006) extends
the reach across countries and over time (between 1965 and 2000) to find
persistence of structural inequality, but also some mobility of “exceptional”
countries (e.g., South Korea, Singapore, Turkey). Moreover, Clark (2010)
finds that mobility within the world system is a strong predictor of economic
growth, even after initial world-system position, capital/labor resources,
and regional economic factors are considered.
As concerns globalization’s consequences for work and workers, research
generally highlights more negative consequences than positive ones [for
a review, see Bandelj, Shorette, & Sowers (2011)]. In the developed world,
for instance, flexible forms of work among highly skilled workers have
increased, which allows such workers more control over their work experiences. But global dynamics have also brought liabilities to workers in
the developed world, principally in the forms of increased job insecurity,
work hours, and work stress. In the developing world, globalization has
resulted in a general increase in available jobs, but global forces have also
resulted in long working hours with few labor protections, exploitation
of female workers, and periodic bouts of unemployment. Similarly, the
implication of GCC/GVCs for economic development and workers is
unclear. While GCC/GVC integration can lead to real technology transfer
and learning by doing, these processes do not necessarily increase wages
and may have reduced the unit price of manufacturing output (Schrank,
2004).
THE STRUCTURE OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMIC NETWORKS
With the use of network analytic techniques and more available data that
allows examination of (almost) all the world’s countries, studies continue
to ask questions about the structure of globalization. In a review, Lloyd,
Mahutga, and de Leeuw (2009) conclude that a handful of “core” states
continue to occupy positions of high power and status vis-à-vis other actors
in the network. In contrast, Kim and Shin (2002) analyze data on commodity
trade between 1959 and 1996 to find that interregional and intraregional
trade ties increased. However, Piccardi and Tajoli (2012) use data on trade
flows between 1962 and 2008 to find no support for the existence of strong
preferential trading regional groupings, and instead argue that the data
supports an image of a truly globalized economy.
Global Economic Networks
7
Bandelj and Mahutga (2013) use BITs (bilateral investment treaties), or
institutional arrangements signed by countries to promote and protect FDI
between them, to suggest that the three models of globalization, universal,
core/periphery, and regionalism—usually portrayed as competing explanations of global structures—in fact coexist. Using data from the inception of
the BIT network in 1959–2009, they find that the number of BITs increases
significantly over time to include nearly all of the world’s countries. However, the density of ties between advanced capitalist and others is stronger
than for any other dyadic types, with some evidence of regional homophily
strengthening over time.
GLOBAL MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNITIES, AND REMITTANCES
According to the World Bank, the number of international migrants doubled
to 215 million between 1985 and 2010. These developments helped shift the
focus in migration studies from the assimilation experience of immigrants
and their impact on the receiving country (Park & Burgess, 1969 [1921]) to
greater attention on migrants’ origins, and the community context of migration (Massey et al., 1993).
Recent research on global migration suggests that migratory activities
do not signify a complete break with one’s home country. Instead, global
migrants maintain transnational existences, where they incorporate into
the receiving societies but maintain ties to their home countries (Levitt &
Jaworsky, 2007). Research also highlights the particular role of migrants in
“global cities” (Sassen, 2006) as low-wage labor force, and the role of ethnic
communities in receiving countries (Light, 2005).
A crucial economic aspect of global migration is substantial growth in
the worldwide amount of international remittances, or income earned by
international migrants that is returned to their home country. According to
the World Bank, remittances to developing countries more than quadrupled
between 1985 and 2010 to over $300 billion, without a substantial decline
during the 2008–2009 global recession (World Bank, 2012a, 2012b). The
majority of empirical studies point to the contingent and differentiated
effect of remittances for certain groups and over time (Lu & Treiman, 2011),
mediated by social forces such as international labor markets and domestic
gender role expectations (Akesson, 2009; de Haas, 2006). Improvements
in methodology, such as gathering longitudinal data from both sending
and receiving parties, and modeling migration and remittances as part of
one and the same process (Garip, 2012) represent fruitful venues for future
research.
8
EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
KEY ISSUES FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
Advances in the study of global economic networks would benefit from substantive and theoretical breath. In terms of substantive topics, alternative
forms of trade, illicit economic flows, global tourism, and international financial flows deserve more attention. Alternative forms of trade, such as fair
trade, have increased in prevalence (from $198 million in 1994 to $5.8 billion
in 2010) and case studies point to positive, although limited, effects on participating producers in developing countries (Jaffee, 2007). Going beyond case
studies, research on fair trade should examine cross-national and over time
trends in production and consumption of fair trade goods, including why
the fair trade system emerged when and where it did. However, data availability, especially data on sales before the establishment of formal international networks in the mid-1990s, poses a sizable challenge to expanding our
understanding of fair trade on a global scale. Similarly, reliable data on global
illicit networks formed via human trafficking, smuggling, organized crime,
or terrorist networks are often intractable, even if examining how various
forms of illicit networks are similar or different in various regional contexts,
and scrutinizing the relationship between global illicit networks and political, cultural, and economic global networks warrants attention (Limoncelli,
2009).
Given the spectacular increase in total export earnings generated by international tourism (US$1.4 trillion in 2013), and international arrivals surpassing US$1 billion in 2013, we need more sociological work on world tourism
and its determinants and consequences. Bandelj and Wherry (2011) propose
that global tourism relies on the cultural wealth of nations, which developing
countries can turn into economic benefits to advance prosperity, with varying levels of success. The question remains under which conditions it works
more or less effectively, and how power and unequal exchange relationships
are mirrored also in patterns of tourism.
In addition, global financialization calls for more investigation. The recent
economic crisis from 2008 onward highlights the vulnerabilities of a financialized global economy, and investigation of its governance is in order. Further, we need to know more about both the determinants of financialization
processes and their consequences.
Theoretically, research on global networks can further investigate the role
of power and culture in shaping economic outcomes. Learning from the
network embeddedness perspectives in economic sociology, actors in the
logistics industry can be considered as brokers of global economic networks
(Bonacich & Wilson, 2008; Silver, 2003) but we need more sociological
research to identify the conditions under which workers in this industry
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leverage the power of their bridging positions between production and
consumption to achieve concrete goals.
Aside from power, recent work on GVCs has increasingly adopted a focus
on the cultural-political dimensions of economic production. Ponte and
Daviron (2011) argue for leveraging symbolic value in the GCCs of the South
African wine industry, and Bair (2011) points to the construction of value
in ancient Mayan locations and traditions in tourism commodity chains.
Indeed, the novelty and relevance of GVCs may lie in the service industry,
particularly in tourism. The flow of Northern tourists to Southern locations
provides an alternative GVC structure where producers in the global South
retain greater control over the GVC by virtue of their location. Future
research should empirically examine service GVCs and the possibilities of
national development via tourism and other services.
Finally, world society theory highlights the institutional foundations of
global processes (Boli & Thomas, 1997) but largely ignores international
economic flows. Promising is the examination of neoliberal policies diffusion
(Henisz, Zelner, & Guillen, 2005), and the influence of INGOs’ (international
nongovernmental organizations) integration on domestic corporate social
responsibility initiatives (Lim & Tsutsui, 2012). Further analyses are needed,
with attention to the processes of decoupling (Meyer, Boli, Thomas, &
Ramirez, 1997), given that existing studies of the role of INGO integration
on trade yield mixed results.
CONCLUDING COMMENTS
Research on global economic processes is variegated and yields many
inconclusive results regarding the structure of the global economic network,
as well as its determinants and consequences. In terms of consequences,
world-systems research points to the persistence of unequal exchange while
institutional perspectives find more evidence of regionalization. In terms of
determinants, economics research emphasizes the instrumental considerations while sociologists uncover the political and cultural embeddedness of
global economic flows. Key challenges remain in data availability, given that
complete network data that encapsulates all of the world’s countries over
a longer period of time is best suited to capture global economic networks.
Longitudinal analyses of global economic networks can tell us much about
the central questions that drive globalization research, about the shape of
globalization and its consequences, but require significant computational
power.
Substantively, the literature needs a better handle on how political, cultural, and material processes interact in shaping various global economic
flows. Empirical evidence of these interactions abounds, for instance, in
10
EMERGING TRENDS IN THE SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
how GVCs incorporate considerations of cultural value creation processes.
Examination of international aid shows how political relations lead to
economic exchange. The notion of social remittances indicates that migrants
do not send back only monies but also ideas and cultural practices (Levitt,
1998). Therefore, the study of global economic networks would be well
served to consider the simultaneity of cultural and material processes as
well as the interplay between transnational and more local/regional trends.
Such an analysis might uncover that universalistic processes operate in the
world polity but are nevertheless conditioned by the unequal distribution
of capital between countries, as well as the idiosyncratic behavior of some
regions vis-à-vis others.
GLOSSARY
BIT
FDI
GATT
GCC
GDP
GVC
IGO
IMF
INGO
MNCs
NAFTA
UN
WTO
Bilateral investment treaties
Foreign direct investment
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
Global commodity chain
Gross domestic product
Global value chain
International governmental organization
International Monetary Fund
International nongovernmental organization
Multinational corporations
North American Free Trade Agreement
United Nations
World Trade Organization
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NINA BANDELJ SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Nina Bandelj (PhD, Princeton) is Sociology Professor at the University of
California, Irvine. She was a Jean Monnet Fellow at the European University
Institute, in Florence, Italy, and a Visiting Scholar at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, in Cologne, Germany. Her research examines
the social and cultural bases of economic phenomena, determinants and consequences of globalization, and social change in postsocialist Europe. Her
articles have been published in the American Sociological Review, Social Forces,
Theory and Society, and Socio-Economic Review, among others. She is the author
of From Communists to Foreign Capitalists: The Social Foundations of Foreign
Direct Investment in Postsocialist Europe (Princeton University Press, 2008),
Economy and State: A Sociological Perspective (with Elizabeth Sowers, Polity
Press, 2010), and editor of Economic Sociology of Work (Emerald Publishing,
2009), The Cultural Wealth of Nations (with Frederick F. Wherry, Stanford University Press, 2011), and Socialism Vanquished, Socialism Challenged: Eastern
Europe and China, 1989–2009 (with Dorothy J. Solinger, Oxford University
Press, 2012). She serves as Editor of Socio-Economic Review, is past Co-Chair of
ISA RC09: Social Transformations and Sociology of Development, and Past
Chair (2013–2014) of the ASA Economic Sociology Section.
KRISTEN SHORETTE SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Kristen Shorette is Assistant Professor of Sociology at State University of
New York at Stony Brook. She holds a BA in Sociology and English from
Ithaca College and a PhD in Sociology from the University of California,
Global Economic Networks
15
Irvine. Her dissertation research, supported by the National Science Foundation, examined the emergence and proliferation of fair trade organizations;
their uneven distribution across the global south; and the economic activity
associated with them. Shorette’s articles have appeared in Social Forces, Sociological Perspectives, and Sociology Compass, among others. Her current research
examines the effects of world cultural and political economic forces on greenhouse gas emissions, child immunization rates, longevity and mortality, and
the prevalence of infectious diseases.
ELIZABETH SOWERS SHORT BIOGRAPHY
Elizabeth Sowers’ research interests include the sociology of work, the
sociology of globalization, and economic sociology. She is Assistant Professor of Sociology at California State University, Channel Islands. Her
current doctoral research centers upon the areas of work and globalization, with a specific focus on collective action and inequality within the
trucking, transportation, and logistics industries. Sowers’ recent work has
been published in Sociology Compass (2011; with Nina Bandelj and Kristen
Shorette) as well in Economy and State: A Sociological Perspective (Polity Press
2010; with Nina Bandelj). Sowers has received fellowships from the John
Randolph Haynes Foundation, the Gates Cambridge Trust, University of
California, Irvine’s School of Social Sciences and the Center for the Study
of Democracy, the UCLA Institute for Research on Labor and Employment,
and the Society for Logistics Education. Sowers holds a BA in Global Studies
from the University of California, Santa Barbara, an MPhil in Sociology from
the University of Cambridge, United Kingdom, an MA in Demographic
and Social Analysis from the University of California, Irvine and a PhD in
Sociology from the University of California, Irvine.
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